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Languages Are Not Equal: Why Standard Philippine English Should Be Undemocratic and Elitist
Languages Are Not Equal: Why Standard Philippine English Should Be Undemocratic and Elitist
INTRODUCTION
In “The Politics of Philippine English,” Tupas (2004, 54) points out a need to
“democratize” the study of English in the Philippines and “expand the coverage of Philippine
English to include „uneducated‟ Englishes,” asserting that doing so “will broaden the range of
This paper begs to differ, and proposes instead that as Standard American English and
Standard British English are based on the English spoken by intellectuals and the most proficient
English speakers in the countries where those varieties of English originate, so too should
Standard Philippine English be based on the English of the Philippine intellectuals and elite if it
is to gain any recognition and respect in the global community – and even within the Philippines
itself.
Languages are not equal. Hymes (1985) and other linguists may say they are, asserting
“the functional equality of all languages,” but that is simply not true in the real world. The
equality of languages is as romanticized and inaccurate a world view as the equality of men.
For as we all know, all men are not equal – much less men and women. Men receive
higher pay than their female colleagues for doing the same jobs.1 Rich men and intelligent ones
get the best education, the best opportunities. Men in power get better treatment and much more
In short, while the American Declaration of Independence may assert that “all men are
created equal,”2 the equality does not last very long after the creation. By the time the creation is
born, he finds himself either at a private suite or a charity ward; with a silver spoon in his mouth
or a rusty one. He may have equal rights as any other man, but he certainly does not have equal
privileges.
The same goes for languages: They may all have started the same way, on equal footing,
and they may all have equal merits; but they do not have equal power, and that makes them
functionally unequal.
And which language has the greatest power in our current era? English.
Consider these facts. While English has only 340 million native speakers and ranks below
Mandarin Chinese, Hindi, and Spanish in a list of world languages with the most number of
native speakers, it ranks second in a list of languages with the most number of total speakers. It
A quick glance at these numbers will reveal that the world acknowledges the superiority
of English, at least, for practical use. Why else would so many non-native speakers use it instead
As far as the modern world is concerned, first there was British English.
Then in 1620, a group of British men and women left the British territories and set sail
for North America, to the land we now know as the USA. They colonized the land and taught
Because the British settlers in North America were isolated from their British roots, their
language evolved in a separate direction from the English spoken in the UK. Thus, American
English was born.5 Compared to British English, it had a similar but distinct lexicon, rules of
But although American English deviated from British English standards, the deviations
In 1898, the Americans came to Philippine shores, colonized the land, and taught their
language to the Filipinos as they had done to the Indians nearly two centuries earlier.
Then the Philippines gained its political independence, the Americans left – well, most of
them did, physically, at least – and in the same way that American English was able to develop
because the speakers of the language were no longer in Britain, Philippine English as a separate
entity was able to develop once the Americans were no longer in the Philippines.
you ask.
WHAT IS PHILIPPINE ENGLISH?
Ask the man on the street about “Philippine English” and he will illustrate by speaking in
broken English with a heavy Visayan accent. Ironically, this is the type of “class-based,
regionally marked” English that Tupas describes in “The Politics of Philippine English” as being
Mention to this same man on the street that there is a Philippine English “which educated
Filipinos speak and which is acceptable in educated Filipino circles (Llamzon, 1969),” and you
will most likely be met with a surprised stare that says: “We have that?”
Yes, we do, but we don‟t know about it, because the type of English that is given so
much attention and airtime is the type that we call “carabao English,” the English of the illiterate
and the partly literate, the non-educated variety of English that sounds comical even to the very
people who speak it. This, in effect, is how our country‟s English is branded. No wonder the men
on the street, Filipino and foreigner alike, smirk and laugh when they talk about “Philippine
English.”
We speak about linguistic imperialism and neocolonialism: how our country is still
linguistically colonized by the United States because we still impose American English on our
citizens. But how can we break free from this linguistic imperialism if carabao English is the
only Philippine English that we know about? What shall we replace American English in our
schools with?
To not teach English at all is not an option. We are at a point in history where English has
become inevitable. The whole world is learning it and using it. Even France, which has very
emotionally resisted it for so long, is now spending its euros on English lessons.
So since it is not realistic to resist linguistic imperialism by removing English from our
curriculum altogether, the most feasible means of resistance that is available for us is to teach
English, but not the language of the imperialists. Instead, we should teach our own, localized
variety.
For sure, when we speak about teaching our localized variety of English in school, we
cannot be talking about carabao English. At the very least, English that is taught in school must
be rule bound. Otherwise, without consistent rules, how can it be taught in the first place?
It is this “rule bound” criteria that primarily disqualifies the variety of English spoken by
the marginalized groups from being part of Standard Philippine English. How can they become
standard when they have no standards to speak of in themselves? There is no system in their
variation.
This, I would propose, is where the line is drawn between which is an error and which is
a localization: when the variation is systemized and consistent, that is, found regularly among
speakers of the language in that locality and is being passed on to the next generation, then it is a
localization. If the variation is found irregularly in a handful of individuals who would not dare
There is another important criteria that is given for a language to be considered standard:
It must be used in high-prestige situations, such as in court, at schools, and in the country‟s
After all, when one speaks of Standard American English, one does not talk about the
English of the marginalized American communities; Standard American English is based on the
English of professors and scholars, the sort of English that you would expect to be used by the
President of the United States in his speeches. When one speaks of Standard British English, one
does not talk about anything other than the Queen‟s English.
Why, then, should Standard Philippine English be an exception? Why should Standard
Philippine English strive to be “democratic” when other Standard Englishes are unapologetically
elitist?
should strive to be even more elitist than either American or British English, because it has so
much to compensate for: a dire lack of economic and political power which, in the real world,
This reality, that the status of a language depends on the status of its country of origin, is
proved by the fact that English is so widely used. Why, of all languages, would the world choose
intrinsically wonderful about the English language.” It does not sound particularly more pleasing
than other languages. Its grammar and spelling are neither simpler nor more elegant; a good
number of its words, in fact, such as rough, through, though, and plough, are rule bound by
convention only, not by any other explicit rule. Its alphabet is not half as systematic as Korea‟s
Han gul.
Crystal hit the nail on the head when he stated that English became a world language for
one reason only: the power of its native speakers. It is the status of the speaker that gives status
to the language. That is why languages can never be equal – because speakers are never equal
either.
Therefore, if Standard Philippine English is to gain any status or respect at all, it must be
the kind of English spoken by the most powerful, most educated, most elite Filipinos we can
find. Only then will Philippine English have the chance to gain some respect when it stands side
by side with the English of the rich and powerful nations such as America and the UK.
Is there really such a variety of English spoken by our most educated, most powerful
punctuation. Philippine English is rhotic and pronounces “r” as either an alveolar tap or alveolar
approximant. The [æ] and [ə] sounds are hardly ever used. Instead, [æ] is often replaced with [ɐ],
while [ə] is replaced with either [ɐ], [ɞ], [e], [ɪ], or [œ].8 In punctuation, we teach in our schools that one
should not use the serial comma, a rule that is contradictory to standard American practice. We have also
assigned our own meanings and nuances to a number of English words, and coined our own words as
well, using perfectly correct English rules of morphology (e.g. presidentiable [president+able]: a person
The abovementioned variety of Philippine English is rule bound: It can be taught uniformly in
Philippine schools. It is also compatible with natural Filipino enunciation: No longer will we need to twist
and turn our tongues futilely to say [æpəl] – and still come up with [epœl] – when [ɐpœl] is so much
easier for us to say and is easily understandable as “apple” by any English speaker in the world.
And though our pronunciation and collocations deviate from Standard American or British
English, the abovementioned variety of Philippine English is not labeled as erroneous. It is correct and
respectable because it is used by the most respected or powerful people in the country.
No, all languages are not equal. Some languages are more powerful and, therefore, more
important than others, and the power of a language is determined by the power of the people who
It is about time, therefore, that the “elitist” variety of Philippine English be formalized as
our country‟s representative in the world map of Englishes. That way, it can be given its due
place in our society, claim its rightful dignity as a valid variety of English, and secure our
APPENDIX
This is an updated list of terms that are peculiar to Philippine English.9 Some of these terms exist
in other varieties of English but are used in different ways. Other terms are coined in the
Philippines and are used only in the country‟s own English system.
aggrupation: group
already: used when a task has been completed, even if the completion happens after the deadline
banana cue/camote cue: bananas or yam that are sliced, sugared, skewered, and grilled
banca: a canoe
bedspace: a bed in a private home rented out to people who need a place to stay. Several
“bedspaces” can be rented out in a single room. If you rent the whole room, you are termed a
“boarder” instead.
biodata: a form that you fill out with information normally included in a résumé
boodle fight: a gathering where food is served in one pile, usually on banana leaves, and people
eat with their hands, taking their food from the common pile
boundary: an amount of money that a professional driver pays to the owner of a public utility
vehicle so that the driver may be allowed to drive the vehicle, collect fares, and thus, earn his
living
cabinet: a closet
cadette: a female cadet
take out: to go
duster: a housedress
find your height: arrange yourselves in a line from the shortest to the tallest
exclusive school: a school where all enrollees belong to only one sex
flyover: overpass
motel: a hotel that charges by the hour, used primarily for sex
officemate: a co-worker
practicumer: an intern
racket: a sideline
wash day: a day when office workers do not wear uniform because it‟s the day designated for
NOTES
1. Betsy Stark, “The Myth of the Pipeline: Inequality Still Plagues Working Women,
Study Finds,” ABC News, Feb. 18, 2010, http://abcnews.go.com/Business/myth-pipeline-
inequality-plagues-working-women-study-finds/story?id=9868961 (accessed on March 24,
2010).
5. Senior Scribe [pseud.], "English and Its Historical Development, Part 22 (Modern
English Period)," Word Info, http://www.wordinfo.info/words/index/info/view_unit/4210/
?letter=E&spage=5 (accessed on March 25, 2010).
8. Data gathered by listening to the following videos: “Ninoy Aquino's last recorded
phone call before returning to Manila!!!” (2008); "9th State of the Nation Address (SONA)
Gloria Macapagal Arroyo 'July 27, 2009' Part 5" (2009); and “Mar Roxas Officially Supports
Noynoy Aquino as President of the Philippines” (2009).
9. These terms are based on the list posted in “Philippine English,” Wikipedia,
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Philippine_English (accessed on March 24, 2010). The writer has
confirmed through online search that these terms are currently and widely being used by
educated Filipino speakers of English, and that the usages are particular to Philippine English
speakers.
DISCOGRAPHY
Molarbutchoy [pseud.]. "9th State of the Nation Address (SONA) Gloria Macapagal Arroyo 'July
27, 2009' Part 5." YouTube, July 28, 2009. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Tg6T33-
dy_g&feature=related (accessed on March 25, 2010).
NinoyAquinoTV [pseud.]. “Ninoy Aquino's last recorded phone call before returning to
Manila!!!” YouTube, November 15, 2008. http://www.youtube.com/
watch?v=2DMeZwC5oZY&feature=related (accessed on March 25, 2010).
Pinaswatcher [pseud.]. “Mar Roxas Officially Supports Noynoy Aquino as President of the
Philippines.” YouTube, September 1, 2009. http://www.youtube.com/
watch?v=OjM9--Idn-k&feature=related (accessed on March 25, 2010).
REFERENCES
Crystal, David. “World English: Past, Present, Future.” Paper to the ASKO Europa-Stiftung
Symposium. 11-13 June 1999. http://www.davidcrystal.com/DC_articles/English28.pdf.
Hymes, Dell. Preface. In Language of Inequality, edited by Nessa Wolfson and Joan Manes.
Berlin, New York and Amsterdam: Mouton, 1985.
Llamzon, Teodoro A. Standard Filipino English. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University,
1969.
Senior Scribe [pseud.]. "English and Its Historical Development, Part 22 (Modern English
Period)." Word Info. http://www.wordinfo.info/words/index/info/view_unit/4210/
?letter=E&spage=5 (accessed on March 25, 2010).
"Standard Language." Wikipedia. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Standard_language#Features
(accessed on March 24, 2010).
Stark, Betsy. “The Myth of the Pipeline: Inequality Still Plagues Working Women, Study Finds.”
ABC News, Feb. 18, 2010. http://abcnews.go.com/Business/myth-pipeline-inequality-
plagues-working-women-study-finds/story?id=9868961 (accessed on March 25, 2010).
Tupas, T. Ruanni F. “The Politics of Philippine English: Neocolonialism, Global Politics, and the
Problem of Postcolonialism.” World Englishes, 23:1. Oxford: Blackwell, 2004. 47-58.
http://www3.interscience.wiley.com/journal/118783549/abstract?CRETRY=1&SRETRY
=0