in -š(t)ra/ito *maršacontra Starke, StBoT 31.393ff. For usage and exx. see CHD 3.198f. __________________________________________________________________ ̊maršaz(z)a'treacherous' (or sim.) Form? mar-ša-za-an: L 69,5. Extension of maršaby -zza-, as per Starke, StBoT 31.396, but case form (Hitt. or Luv.?) quite uncertain. __________________________________________________________________ mārd(a/i)'?' AbIn ma-a-ar-da-a-ti: 21 Vo 20; 28,1; XXXII 9 Ro 6*. __________________________________________________________________ ( ̊)marušam(m)a/i'dark blue’ (or similar color) NSgC ma-ru-ša-me-eš: XLII 16 iv 2. ̊ma-ru-ša-mi-iš: Meskene 74.57 i 30f. N-APlNt ( ̊)ma-ru-/ša-(am)-ma: XXII 70 Vo 11; XLII 60,2; IBoT III 10,6. Cf. Güterbock, Or 25.127f, & Starke, BiOr 43.164, but denom. adj. to nt. s-stem *marušmore likely than "iter." ptc. Cf. also unclear marušašaš at IBoT I 31 Ro 16. __________________________________________________________________ marrutti '?' F...

A bilingual Sumerian's seal reported by Jean-Jacques Glassner and Massimo Vidale signifies 1. name in Sumerian cuneiform script, 2. profession in Meluhha hieroglyphs of Indus Script. The profession is signified by a bull with its head bent downwards -- a signature-tune of Indus writing system. Such animals including wild animals are often shown in front of a trough -- which documents a metalwork guild. Viewed in the context of many artifacts documenting another Meluhha Indus Script hieroglyph-multiplex of 'overflowing water from a pot' which signifies metal implements, this Sumerian seal reinforces and attests to the acculturation of Sumerian artisans to Meluhhan artisanal competence. Hundreds of Indus Script hieroglyphs are signified on cylinder seals of Ancient Near East and along the Persian Gulf and along the Tin Route from Assur to Kultepe, in particular. Many examples are cited in this note; the examples record metalwork catalogues using Indus Script cipher. There are also artifacts like those documenting Ashurbanipal or Tukulti-Ninurta I and II or Gudea signified by Indus Script hieroglyph-multiplexes. There is a possibility that Assur were celebrating Meluhhan heritage, that is, the legacy of Bhāratam Janam, 'metalcaster folk', though speaking a language alien to Akkadians or Sumerians or Elamites or Semites or Amorites. Of course, there were, in the Ancient Near East, eme.bal Meluhha, ‘interpreters of the Meluhha language’. Unfortunately, this seal bought on the market (with little provinience information) remains unpublished by Cabinet des Medailles. The significance of this seal is that it attests to the impact of Indus Script writing system on the form and function of cylinder seals in early Sumer. Use of cuneiform was necessary because the cuneiform writing system was most suitable for signifying names and offices, say, in Akkadian, Sumerian or Elamite. Indus Script Corpora DOES NOT contain personal names and signifies only professions and metals/minerals/alloys/ metal artifacts as catalogus catalogorum, technical specification archiving developments such as cire perdue metalcastings, new alloys of the new ball game of the Tin-Bronze Age. Entry into Cabinet des Médailles, Département des Monnaies, Médailles et Antiques de la Bibliothèque nationale de France, is a department of the Bibliothèque nationale de France in Paris. A Sumerian seal (not published, held in the Cabinet des Medailles of Paris) discussed by Glassner and Vidale signifies Indus script hieroglyph of a bull with a lowered head. Normally such a bull is shown in front of a trough. The rebus readings of the hieroglyph-multiplex on Indus Script Corpora are: barad, barat 'bull' Rebus: भरत (p. 603) [ bharata ] n A factitious metal compounded of copper, pewter, tin &c. (Marathi) PLUS pattar 'trough' Rebus: pattar 'goldsmith (guild)'. The Sumerian's name which appears on the Sumerian seal in cuneiform text is clearly using the Indus Script hieroglyph-multiplex to connote that he is an artisan in the Meluhha tradition. Maybe, he was a Sumerian artisan working in metal and wood (badhae, takshaka) and adopted the iconographic tradition of Meluhhan artisans present and trading in the territory and who documented Indus Script Corpora to signify -- as proclamations -- metalwork catalogues. “In the third millennium, the term Meluhha designated the Indus valley and its vicinity. This toponym is a foreign one, whose transcription into cuneiform writing makes it look like a Sumerian word. Meluhha was certainly a foreign country where a foreign language was spoken: an old Akkadian cylinder seal retains the name of Shu-ilishu, eme.bal Meluhha, ‘interpreter of the Meluhha language’ (Edzard, D.O.: 1968-9, Die Inschriften der altakkadischen Rollsiegel. Archiv fur Orientforschung 22: 15, no. 33). Besides, a bilingual lexicographical list quotes a word belonging to the language of Meluhha with its Akkadian equivalent u-shamTu = GISH.U.GIR ina-Meluhhi (von Soden 1965: 1159, s.v.); behind the logogram GISH.U.GIR two Akkadian terms stand out: ashagu, one of the most widespread kinds of acacia, and eTTettu/eddetu, a widely distributed boxthorn (von Soden 1965: 77f, 266). Unfortunately, the sources quoting this botanical term are to be dated from the first millennium, a period in which the name Meluhha most generally designated Nubia or Ethiopia and no longer the Indus Valley and Gedrosia (Weidner 1952-3:10…Meluhha = Kashi, that is to say Kush); anyway, at that time, it was a learned term. Further, an old Akkadian juridical text indicates that a certain Lu.sun.zi.da lu Me.luh.ha.ke, ‘Lu.sunzida, man from Meluhha’, has been condemned to pay ten shekels of silver to somebody for having broken his tooth (Sollberger 1972: no.76). The name Lu.sunzida is hapax legomenon in Mesopotamia but it has a good Sumerian look: sun.zi, written without the divine determinative, is a well-documented epithet of the goddess Inanna…The proper name may concern somebody living in a place called Meluhha, such a place having existed at least a century later, within the Lagash territory (Parpola, Parpola and Brunswig 1977). This place has a perfect Sumerian name and there is no proof of any link between it and the foreign country of Meluhha: the Sumerian scribes may have tried to express approximately, through their own graphic system that the provision of a good Sumerian appearance, the pronunciation of a foreign word. An unpublished Harappan seal, kept in the Cabinet des Medailles at Paris, is also of great interest (to be published by D. Arnaud who kindly allowed me to mention it). Its inscription says: ‘So-and-so son of So-and-so’, the two names being typically Sumerian ones. Unfortunately, the seal was bought on the market and therefore nobody knows anything about its origin...Relationship between Mesopotamia and Meluhha went on by sea. We know of ‘Meluhha-boats’ and other ships called magillum. A so-called DAdI (a typical Akkadian name) received at Umma, in the Old Akkadian period, a viaticum as being lu.KU.ma Me.luh.ha.ka. The expression lu.KU may have one of several meanings: lu tukul: a gendarme on a Meluhha boat…the function is generally written lu.gish.tukul; lu.tush: a traveler on a Meluhha boat; lu.dab: a man in charge of a Meluhha boat…An Ur III text says, about a boat coming from Dilmun, that it conveyed several soldiers, aga.us.lugal; but we may have some doubts on their efficiency, as the text specifies that they arrived sick, tu.ra.me…Overland relationships between Mesopotamia and Meluhha also existed. An old Akkadian royal inscription known through an Old Babylonian copy says that Rimush, king of Akkade, defeated in Marhashi, possibly the province of Kerman, a coalition allying Zahara, Elam, Gupin an Meluhha…" (Glassner, Jean-Jacques, 2013, Dilmun, Magan and Meluhha: some observations on language, toponymy, anthroponymy and theonymy, in: Reade, Julian, Indian Ocean in Antiquity, Routledge, pp.236-237).

This article is a discussion of two Greek loanwords found in the Rabbinic text Song of Songs Rabbah. It shows that these words are best identified and explained through a comparison with a Stoic theory of fire, described and refuted by Philo of Alexandria. That these words, both hapax legomena in Rabbinic literature, are used in the Midrash show that at least some rabbis were conversant in Greek scientific terminology-and perhaps specifically with a version of this Stoic dispute. The uses to which these terms were put show that the rabbis deployed their vast, specialized knowledge where it was most important to them: interpreting the scriptures.

Author(s): Wolfe, Jared Norris | Advisor(s): Englund, Robert K | Abstract: The present dissertation investigates the root zu "to know" in the Sumerian texts of early Mesopotamia, ca. 2800-1600 B.C., with the aim of identifying its grammatical, syntactic and semantic characteristics. The root is treated across the Sumerian sources, but ultimately considered within the bilingual (Sumerian-Akkadian) situation of southern Mesopotamia. The adjectival and nominal forms of the root are also discussed, as well as their Akkadian counterparts. The analysis of the lexemes over a period stretching from ca. 2600-1600 BC offers interesting results in several categories (grammatical, literary, semantic), and contributes to discussions of the epistemological and practical implications associated with the concept of "knowing" in the Mesopotamian texts. While research into systems and categories of knowledge has been carried out in the field, no systematic lexical discussion of th...