3 Translating a Worldview in the longue durée: The Tale of “The Bear’s Son” Roslyn M. Frank 1 Introduction Translation is usually understood as the practice of rendering a text written in one language into another language. That process also requires taking into consideration the cultural similarities and differences entrenched in each of the languages in question. In what follows this notion will be expanded to apply to the way that cultural conceptualisations embedded in a set of folktales have been translated across time and more specifically the way that the interpretative framework utilised by storytellers and their audiences has changed as the cultural conceptualisations intrinsic to reception and understanding of meanings of words and actions in the tales have been altered. These shifts in the worldview are reflected in the modifications that the texts have undergone across time. In other words, the chapter enters a little explored terrain, engaging with and addressing not only the question of the role R. M. Frank (*) Department of Spanish and Portuguese, University of Iowa, Iowa City, IA, USA © The Author(s) 2019 A. Głaz (ed.), Languages – Cultures – Worldviews, Palgrave Studies in Translating and Interpreting, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-28509-8_3 53 54 R. M. Frank played by folktales in projecting cultural mindsets, but also their role in constructing, maintaining, and ultimately deconstructing a worldview indigenous to Europe. My own relationship to this project goes back to the early 1980s when I began doing fieldwork in the Basque Country and learning Euskera (Basque). That was when I first discovered that the Basques used to believe they descended from bears, a belief that had been transmitted from one generation to the next, only orally, until the latter part of the twentieth century (Frank 2008a; Peillen 1986). The first written evidence for the belief comes from an interview conducted in the fall of 1983 by the Basque anthropologist Txomin Peillen with the last two Basque-speaking bear hunters of the Pyrenees, Dominique Prébende and his father Petiri. It was the 80-year-old Petiri who, after he made sure that that the tape-recorder had been turned off, confided to his Basquespeaking interviewer the following: “Lehenagoko eüskaldünek gizona hartzetik jiten zela sinhesten zizien,” that is, “In earlier times Basques believed that humans descended from bears” (Peillen 1986, p. 173). Subsequently, I spent several decades doing additional fieldwork and research trying flesh out the implications of this archaic belief in bear-ancestors and the associated ursine genealogy assigned to humans. It is a worldview that clearly harkens back to a hunter-gatherer mentality and resonates strongly with the animistic ontologies associated with bear ceremonialism as it has been practiced in North America and Eurasia. The aspect of the research discussed in this chapter centers on a pan-European phenomenon, the tale of “The Bear’s Son,” a folktale whose protagonist is half-human, half-bear. This is because his mother was a human female and his father was a bear. In times past, this figure appears to have been viewed as a kind of intermediary, as a kind of “Jesus bear,” according to one of my informants. Moreover, it will be argued that the tale of “The Bear’s Son,” along with several other orally transmitted narratives, was a central component of this much earlier worldview grounded in the belief in ursine ancestors. Nonetheless, as will be demonstrated, with the passage of time, the underlying significance of 3 Translating a Worldview in the longue durée … 55 the story line becomes increasingly obscured. This occurs as the cultural conceptualisations that supported the interpretative framework slowly fall away and, as a result, key episodes making up the overall plot end up being separated and viewed as independent tales, mere fragments of the original narrative. Nevertheless, viewed in the longue durée, these narratives have facilitated the transmission across time and space of this much older worldview and the belief in bear-ancestors. 2 Bear-Ancestors As will be demonstrated, in spite of all the attention that variants of the tale of “The Bear’s Son” have received, no serious consideration has been given to the possibility that the ursine ancestry of the hero should be interpreted as an indication of the archaic backdrop of the tale and the underlying cultural conceptualisations associated with it in times past and hence its earlier animistic interpretative frame, once shared by storytellers and their audiences. Rather, the tales caught the attention of the group of researchers who have been attempting to discover pre-textual Märchen traditions in Beowulf and other Germanic “heroic” poetry. For instance, Glosecki draws on parallels found in Native American and Eurasian materials, cultures in which bears were considered relatives or ancestors (Glosecki 1989; Stitt 1995). As a result, what has not been fully recognised is the possibility that the persistence of these tales viewed in the longue durée could be evidence, albeit indirect, of the resilience of an earlier animistic worldview in which bears were viewed as ancestors and venerated. Moreover, even though the Christian church spent many centuries attempting to wipe out this ursine-centred worldview, it survived on the margins, in fragments of folk belief and performance art as well as firmly embedded in the interpretive frame of the set of folktales under analysis (Corvino 2013; Lajoux 1996; Pastoureau 2011; Truffaut 2010). 56 3 R. M. Frank Traditional Classification of “The Bear’s Son” The tale of “The Bear’s Son,” along with its variants, is recognised as one of the most widely diffused European folktales. However, the term utilised, namely, the tale of “The Bear’s Son,” is an informal one, regularly used to refer to a group of related narratives, categorised formally by folklorists as tale type ATU 301 (Cosquin 1887, Vol. 1, pp. 1–27; Espinosa 1946–1947, pp. 499–511; 1951; Fabre 1968). The tales themselves have never been the subject of serious investigation by ethnographers and anthropologists, that is, in terms of the worldview implicit in them. Instead, by the end of the nineteenth century folklorists were concentrating their efforts on the task of classifying the narratives by motif and tale type (Cosquin 1887, Vol. 1, pp. 1–27; Dundes 1997). By 1910 Panzer had documented 221 European variants of ATU 301, the descent of the Bear’s Son hero to the Under World (Panzer 1910). In a study published in 1959, 57 Hungarian versions of the tale are mentioned (Kiss 1959), and in 1992, Stitt, in his study Beowulf and the Bear’s Son: Epic Saga, and Fairytale in Northern Germanic Tradition, recorded 120 variants of the Bear’s Son story for Scandinavia alone (Stitt 1995, pp. 25–27, 209–217). The cycle of oral tales is present in all the Indo-European language groups of Europe as well as in Basque and in Finno-Ugric, for example, Finnish, Saami and Magyar (Hungarian), and even among the Mansi (Voguls). Moreover, the most complete and least disturbed versions of these tales—ones containing the most archaic structural elements and most consistent story-line—come from former Basque-speaking zones of France and the Spain and from the Basque-speaking region itself.1 In short, generally speaking, a cline from west to east can be detected in the tales with the most archaic variants being found in western Europe, 1Although analysis of the individual tales lies outside the scope of this paper, there are many written sources (Arratibel 1980, pp. 65–74; Barandiarán 1973–1983, II, pp. 301–305; Barbier 1991 [1931], pp. 84–94, 129–132, 151–152, 157–158; Bidart 1978, pp. 80–83; 1979, pp. 130–137; Cerquand 1986 [1875–1882], pp. 78–85; Satrústegui 1975, pp. 18–21; Vinson 1883, pp. 80–92). 3 Translating a Worldview in the longue durée … 57 especially in the Pyrenean zone and its immediate environs, the zone in which the belief in bear-ancestors survived into the twentieth century. Although the belief itself is absent, throughout Europe still today we encounter abundant examples of the cultural practices and performance art that point to the previous veneration of bears and bear-ancestors (Bertolotti 1994; Fréger 2012). Indeed, there is a performance counterpart to the story of the birth, life, and exploits of the Bear’s Son character, that has been passed down orally from one generation to the next. More concretely, the fêtes de l’ours celebrated in the Pyrenean zone each year still incorporate elements taken from the plot of the Bear’s Son narrative, reenacting, for instance, the initial encounter between his mother and father and his subsequent birth in the bear cave (Bosch 2013; Gual 2017). The Pyrenean zone where these bear fests continue to be performed extends from the Basque-speaking zone in the west to the Mediterranean coast. The festivals continue to be performed each year while their origins are currently under intense investigation. Moreover, in the rest of Europe, in what were once remote mountain villages, similar although somewhat less structurally complex performances have survived where the performers dress up as “bears” (Fréger 2012), activities extensively documented today by hundreds of YouTube videos. Consequently, the widespread distribution of the motif is best understood once we recognise that we are dealing with relatively archaic materials emanating from this much earlier European cosmology and the belief that humans descended from bears. While this theme is represented in one of the most widely disseminated European folktales, until the belief that humans descended from bears was plugged into the interpretive frame of these narratives and related performances, they were not viewed as particularly significant. 4 Summary of the Bear’s Son Tale After several decades spent comparing and contrasting European as well as North American examples of these tales, paying special attention to the versions collected in and around the Basque-speaking region, 58 R. M. Frank eventually the contours of the story-line came into clear focus. Some versions are much more archaic than others in terms of the implied worldview, completeness of the story-line and the logic embedded in the sequence of episodes that make it up. As noted, this has been the case of the folktales collected in the Pyrenean region. In the plot summary that follows, the protagonist is referred to as Little Bear, given that in Basque the hero is called Hartzkume (from hartz ‘bear’ and -kume ‘infant, child’) and Harzko (hartz ‘bear’ plus the diminutive affix -ko ). The tale begins with a description of a young woman who goes out walking in the woods, when suddenly she meets a bear. In some versions it is a very handsome bear and she goes off with him to his cave, in others the bear, being more brutish, grabs her and carries her off against her will. Sometime later, a child is born, half-bear, half-human. Years pass and one day Little Bear decides he wants to go out to see the world. He manages to remove the rock that his father places each day at the mouth of the cave when he goes out hunting. Little Bear and his mother escape and at this point the adventures of Little Bear commence. Early on, he has an encounter which allows him to acquire his Spirit Animal Helpers. Walking along a path in the woods, he spies four animals ahead of him standing next to a dead deer. They are a mountain lion, a dog, an eagle, and an ant. Mountain Lion calls out to him: “We’re hungry and have been arguing about how to divide up the meat. Can you help us?” Little Bear responds saying that he will try. “Mountain Lion, I’ll give you the haunch which is what you like best.” And to Dog, he gives the ribs. Addressing Eagle, he says: “To you I’ll give the innards and intestines because you don’t have any teeth, and this is what you like best.” Finally, to the tiny Ant, Little Bear says, “To you I’ll give the skin and bones and when you’ve eaten the marrow from the bones you can use them for your house when it rains.” With that, Mountain Lion responds: “You’ve done so well with the division that we want to reward you.” And each of them gives him an amulet, telling him that when he needs their help all he has to do is touch it and call out their name. That way he will gain the animal’s innate abilities and take on the shape of the animal in question. Mountain Lion gives him a tuff of fur, Dog another tuff; the Eagle a feather, and little Ant a leg because she has several. 3 Translating a Worldview in the longue durée … 59 Time passes, and Little Bear finds himself at a farmstead where he meets the young woman who lives there with her old father. Naturally, since all good stories need a romantic twist, Little Bear falls in love and wants to run off with the young woman. But she explains that she cannot leave because she must care for her old father who happens to be immortal. Little Bear insists that there must be a way to get the old man to die. At this point the first example of shape-shifting takes place. The young woman tells him to come back the next day to the garden where she will be combing the old man’s hair and removing his lice. Little Bear is to climb up into the tree located next to them and hide in its branches while she asks the old fellow what will make him die. So Little Bear shows up, shape-shifted into an ant, and climbs silently up into the tree from where he overhears the old man’s response: “For me to die, the challenger will have to do battle with my brother who is a shape-shifter, too. He will appear as a porcupine and the challenger must show up as a mountain lion and engage in battle with him. If he triumphs, a hare will appear, and the challenger must turn into a dog and catch it.” The old man continues explaining: “Once the hare is caught, a pigeon will fly up and my opponent must turn into an eagle, snatch the pigeon, open it and remove the egg inside, take the egg and break it on the forehead of my brother who by then will appear as a snake (or dragon).2 When that happens the egg inside my head will break and I will become mortal and die.” 2In the Basque versions, the last act of shape-shifting brings into view the Herensuge, a name that has been understood to refer to a “three-headed serpent.” But it is quite possible that is a modern interpretation that was influenced by the wide-spread pan-European motif in a snake-like creature with three or more heads, for the Basque expression can be understood in a very different manner. There are two components in the name: suge ‘snake’ is modified with heren ‘third.’ The term heren is also used to refer to a third-degree of relationship, e.g., herenamona, where amona is ‘grandmother’ (Euskaltzaindia 1987–2005). Hence, an herenamona is one’s ‘great-great-grandmother,’ a ‘three-times removed grandmother.’ In the Basque versions of the tales, since all the helper animals appear to be female, it might follow that earlier the use of heren to modify suge could have communicated the notion of something like a ‘great-great-grandmother snake’ or ‘three-times removed serpent.’ If one were to translate the expression ‘three-headed snake,’ the normal result would be hiru burudun sugea, most definitely not heren-sugea. For example, herenegun, where the second element egun is ‘day,’ does not refer to ‘three days’ or the ‘third day’ but rather means ‘three days ago.’ 60 R. M. Frank Naturally, Little Bear is able to follow these instructions successfully, shape-shifting into one animal after another, while his opponent does the same. In the end the shape-shifted snake (or dragon) is defeated, and Little Bear’s opponent is no longer immortal. From one point of view, the identity the antagonist appears to be clear: he is the father of the young woman. However, other versions of the tale point directly to his identification with the Herensuge, the serpent or dragon who is killed by a blow to his forehead with a magical egg (Satrústegui 1975, pp. 18–21). 5 Interpretation of the Meaning of the Tale At this juncture we can look at the meanings embedded in the tale when it is reinterpreted using the framework provided by the animistic coding associated with the belief that humans descend from bears. The protagonist is half-human, half-bear, born of the union of a human female and a bear. Hence, he is an intermediary being, one that combines two natures. After leaving the bear cave, he begins his adventures, going out into the world where he undertakes what might be best described as a “vision quest,” a ritual similar to the ones still practised today by Native Americans, in which the seeker of the vision, after ritual purification, goes into the forest alone to acquire one or more protector animals. And, having obtained objects pertaining to the helper animal or animals in question, these Native Americans keep them in a special leather pouch called a “medicine bundle” (Brown 1993, pp. x–xi; McWhorter 1940). Little Bear’s encounter along with the talismans he receives gives him the ability to shape-shift into the form of each animal when needed— a characteristic regularly associated with the healer practitioners of circumpolar bear ceremonialism (Conway 1992; Feit 1994). Anyone familiar with such healing practices would recognise the role played by these Spirit Animal Helpers. The fact that this element consistently appears in the tales allows us to reconstruct, always tentatively, the earlier cultural conceptualisations that made up the cognitive frame of the storyteller and the members of the audience and, hence, the way that the tales themselves were interpreted. 3 Translating a Worldview in the longue durée … 5.1 61 The Spirit Animal Helpers A closer analysis of the plot reveals other cultural conceptualisations that informed the interpretive framework for the tale, that is, an animistic ontology typical of hunter-gatherers who lived (or live) in close contact with bears and other wild animals, along with the associated belief in shape-shifting that is embedded in the narrative (Brightman 2002; Hallowell 1926). On this view, the backdrop of the story becomes Nature itself, upon which the actions are projected. A child, seeing an eagle swooping down to catch its prey, could have interpreted the scene, symbolically, as an exteriorisation of a familiar episode from the traditional narrative. When interpreted on this deeper level, what we find in the tale is a series of purely ritual battles between two shape-shifters, one who is already half-bear, and his older adversary. From this perspective, the role of the four Spirit Animal Helpers is of fundamental importance to the hero, beginning with the smallest one, Ant. Moreover, there is a pattern to the ritual confrontations: they are encounters between a predator and its prey (Table 1). In the end, it is a magic egg that makes the old man become mortal like the rest of Nature, subject to life and death, rather than standing apart as a transcendent immortal being. The act of breaking the pigeon’s egg on the forehead of the Herensuge has an ethnographic counterpart worth mentioning, namely, a remarkable custom that I was told about back in the 1980s. It survived in the Basque Country into the 1930s and 1940s and was performed by the godmother on a young child who was just beginning to babble but had not yet started to speak. A pigeon egg, referred to as an “Herensuge egg,” was broken on the child’s forehead. This was thought to make the child “break out speaking” (Azkue Table 1 The predator-prey pattern in the “Bear’s Son Tale” Predator Prey Mountain lion Dog Eagle [Pigeon egg] Porcupine Hare Pigeon Snake 62 R. M. Frank 1989 [1935–1947], p. 101). Over time, that ritual evolved into a tradition where the child was presented with a pastry by the godparent. The pastry in question, referred to as a mona in Spanish, has an unpeeled hard-boiled egg sitting on top, while the custom of breaking an egg on the forehead of another person to bring about good luck, continues to be practiced on Easter Sunday in various parts of Spain and a hundred years ago was still found in parts of Europe, such as Bavaria. 5.2 A Different View of Nature: Against the “Law of the Jungle” The equitable “division of the dead deer” can be read as a parable of sharing and reciprocity in which Little Bear restores the natural order of things. It speaks of the harmony and balance of Nature and the interlocking networks of dependencies that act to maintain that balance. Large carnivores bring down the prey. Smaller carnivores then approach to eat the scraps. Next in line come the scavenger birds, eagles, and vultures. And, finally, the insects arrive to pick clean the skin and bones. Viewed from the perspective of modern conservation biology, the food web described implicitly in the narrative suggests an understanding of the dynamics of “trophic cascades” and the concept of “keystone species,” for example where the actions of large carnivores impact the complex food-web dynamics in positive ways. At the same time, it speaks of the cycle of life and death. In summary, the ursine genealogy of the main character appears to be grounded in the archaic belief that humans descend from bears. The plot unfolds on a landscape infused by trophic relations, a metaphysics characterised by an awareness of the intricate reciprocal relations inherent in Nature. The complex food-chain network of predator–prey interactions is emphasised, rather than the triumph of “man over beast.” Animals are collaborators and function as active participants. Overall the plot is framed by elements typical of an animistic worldview, for example, vision quests, medicine bundles, shape-shifting, while the plot revolves around ritual combats between two shape-shifters, each aided by their respective Animal Helpers (Frank 2016; Shepard 1999, 2007). 3 Translating a Worldview in the longue durée … 5.3 63 An Animistic Worldview Not so Far Away The belief that humans and bears could mate and produce fertile offspring was accepted as factual in much of Europe throughout the Middle Ages and beyond (Pastoureau 2011, pp. 68–85). Indeed, it was not unusual to find folk heroes and even actual kings tracing their own lineage back to such a bear-human mating (Glosecki 1989). Hence, until that belief faded from view, the Bear’s Son tale was interpreted by audiences in a very different and far more realistic fashion than it is today by modern readers. Plus, rather than being long forgotten, the belief that humans and animals could shape-shift—humans becoming animals or vice versa— and that certain people were equipped with their own animal helpers was widely accepted in Europe until quite recently. Indeed, it was a key element in confessions made, often under duress, by members of the popular classes. More tellingly, it constituted one of the main arguments brought forward by highly educated witch-hunters, such as de Lancre (1612), well into the seventeenth century, to prove that someone was guilty of engaging in witch-craft. In contrast, shape-shifting is a common and totally non-stigmatised feature integral to the ritual performances of Native-American and Siberian healers. 6 Role of Translation in Generational Transmissions of the Tale Oral literature is understood as the text and its performance including the interpreter and the audience as well as the social context of the performance. Hence, the worldview and belief system shared by the teller and those making up the audience play a role in how the traditional tales are transmitted. Keeping in mind that initially the narratives were remembered and reproduced from memory without recourse to any written back-up, the resilience of certain themes and motifs is quite remarkable. At the same time, it is not surprising to see new elements being introduced into the stories as they were passed on from one generation to the next. 64 R. M. Frank At this juncture we can begin to consider two pathways typical of the processes of oral transmission and translation that played out across time and space, one vertical and the other horizontal or lateral in nature. The types of vertical transmission involved probably included the following: 1. from one generation to the next in the same language—no translation only reproduction, partial or total of the tale; 2. from one generation to the next in an increasingly bilingual setting, leading to partial or total translation of the tale when rendering it into the second language; 3. retelling of the tale now fully translated into the second language by the new generation of monolingual speakers with no knowledge of the first language of their elders but still residing in the same geographical zone. The types of horizontal transmission and translation which developed across time and space can be characterised as follows: 1. from speakers of one language who, upon moving to a new location, would retell, that is, translate, the narrative they had heard in their native language into what was for them a non-native second language to an audience composed exclusively of speakers of the second language; 2. next, speakers of this second language, who were now twice or more removed from the original story, would pass their version(s) on to subsequent generations. These processes of vertical and horizontal transmission and repeated translations from one language to the next, as well as the adjustments made by the teller to accommodate changes in the sociocultural norms and beliefs, caused the original story-line and associated details to be modified, often with confusing results. For instance, one signal that the plot has been modified is the introduction of bizarre actions and objects into the story. These modifications are also easily detected when the intricate sequence of cause and effect found in the earlier versions of 3 Translating a Worldview in the longue durée … 65 the tale is compared with later versions, in which the role played by the Animal Helpers is either eliminated entirely, that is, replaced by anthropomorphic male characters, or the significance of the ritual battles between predator and prey is lost. Curiously, one of the most resilient elements in the tales concerns the repeated attempts made to describe the formula used to bring about the death of the antagonist, resulting in variants of the tale where a sequence of animals is mentioned, although the animals often are no longer viewed as helpers, nor are they always the same animals. Clearly, in addition to inevitable occasional failures of memory on the part of the tellers of the tales, another major cause for the changes that can be detected in them seems to be the fact that, when viewed in the longue durée, language change—replacement—was also going on in various parts of Europe. A bilingual generation of story-tellers would develop who would keep a few elements in the original language which the speaker and bilingual audience still understood. However, when the storyteller was a member of the next generation of monolingual speakers, these elements might be retained, but their meaning would no longer be comprehended. Rather, they could end up integrated into the story-line as exotic entities. In short, these processes of vertical and horizontal transmission often required the teller to translate the tale from one language into another, which also contributed to incomplete knowledge transfer between generations with respect to the story elements themselves. In addition to these types of vertical and horizontal transmission and the acts of translation that they implied, there was yet another modification that came about when the tales passed from orality and gained support in the written word. With the exception of a few collections dating from the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, for the most part this transition took place during the latter half of the nineteenth century and first decades of the twentieth century, when collecting the folktales of each region and committing them to written form became a major pastime of folklorists, driven in part by the Romanticism of the epoch and the belief that the tales were central to the identity of each region. And that process, once again, often involved recording, as best was possible at the time, the words, frequently of unlettered informants 66 R. M. Frank speaking in local dialects, which were difficult to capture in print (Halbert and Widdowson 2015 [1996]). That process, in and of itself, did not guarantee that the written version of the tale would replicate the orally recorded form for it was not unusual for the tale to undergo modification and elaboration, embellishments of a literary nature that the collector of the tale felt was appropriate, as well as the suppression of elements that were distasteful to the collector. Finally, there was the feedback that occurred when literary versions of the tales, often themselves transcribed and/ or translated from another language, were read before unlettered audiences. Years later the same narratives were retold to collectors of folktales who assumed a totally oral transmission of the tales (de Blécourt 2012, pp. 158–170; Zipes 2012, pp. 175–190). The next step consisted of producing translations of the most well-known collections of classic tales, for example, the Brothers Grimm, Perrault, and Hans Christian Andersen, into the major languages of Europe. That process led to the proliferation of selected literary variants of the tales while versions found in minority languages never got translated. As has been demonstrated, by paying close attention to changes taking place in the stories, it is possible to identify in them evidence concerning the nature of the transmissions that took place in times past, as the cultural conceptualisations that shaped the interpretative frame fell away and modern interpolations were added. Hence, the ways in which the tales themselves were reshaped are a result of several factors, memory lapses, mistranslations, as well as efforts on the part of storytellers to adjust the content of the tales to achieve a better fit with the ongoing changes in sociocultural norms and beliefs of their audiences. 7 Factors Leading to Changes in the Text and the Fragmentation of the Narrative Structure Over time, the cultural conceptualisations supporting the earlier animistic cosmovision and ursine genealogy were replaced by new ones. This contributed to the loss of awareness on the part of subsequent 3 Translating a Worldview in the longue durée … 67 generations of tellers and translators of the tale concerning the deeper meaning of the four Spirit Animal Helpers and the shape-shifting that takes place. In the Middle Ages, Christianity contributes to this erosion, bringing about a strict dichotomy, a conceptual divide which sets humans totally apart from animals. And, as this portrayal of animal otherness becomes increasingly entrenched in the worldview utilised by both the tellers of the tale and their audiences, it becomes harder to understand the earlier interpretive framework. Moreover, in the eyes of the Church, the European bear cult was perceived as a threat and impediment to conversion of the popular classes. For example, as Pastoureau notes, the Germanic veneration for the bear shows that the animal was a being apart, an intermediary creature between the animal and human worlds and considered even an ancestor or relative of humans (Pastoureau 2011, p. 2). During the Middle Ages, worship of the bear, however, was not confined to the Germanic world for it was also deeply engrained among the Slavs, who admired the bear as much as the Germans did. Then there is the fact that both Germanic and Slavic languages use noa terms—euphemisms—to refer to the animal, which recalls the wide-spread pattern of semantic avoidance documented among the indigenous peoples of North America and Eurasia (Black 1998; Nagy 2017; Pastoureau 2011, pp. 46–52; Sokolova 2000). More concretely, where bear ceremonialism is practiced, such patterns of semantic avoidance go hand in hand with the belief that the bear is omniscient and, therefore, has the power to hear all that is said about him. Addressing the bear with its real name is considered dangerous, so hunters avoid mentioning the bear’s true name, choosing rather to speak about him using euphemisms. In times past, the common noa term utilised by speakers of Slavic languages was medved “honey-eater,” which today is the word used to refer generically to a “bear,” while Germanic tribes preferred to call him the “brown one,” an expression that gave rise eventually to the English word bear, linked etymologically to the English words brown and bruin. Consequently, the Slavic and Gemanic words for “bear” can be considered semantic residue left over from this older ursine belief system. Indeed, we can say that throughout much of Europe “in the Carolinian period, the bear continued to be seen as a divine figure, 68 R. M. Frank an ancestral god whose worship took on various forms but remained solidly rooted, impeding the conversion of pagan peoples” (Pastoureau 2011, p. 3). Almost everywhere, from the Pyrenees to the Baltic, “the bear stood as a rival to Christ. The Church thought it appropriate to declare war on the bear, to fight him by all means possible” (Pastoureau 2011, p. 3). In summary, whereas the struggle of the medieval church against the bear was ultimately successful, that is, in terms of eliminating most traces of the ancient ursine cults, what it was not able to do was to stop storytellers from passing on the tenets of the ursine belief system itself in the covert form of traditional narratives. These stories insured that the hero’s life and times would be transmitted orally, under the radar, across generations. With the passage of time, the narratives would be translated from one language to another, a process that would introduce modifications and significant fragmentation of the narrative structure along with an increasing loss of awareness of the underlying animistic cosmovision. 7.1 The Role of Tale Types in the Breakdown of the Narrative Structure Over the past century, one of the primary concerns of researchers in folkloristics has been the creation of tale types that permit the classification of the stories and, in theory, allow for cross-cultural comparisons. For instance, in tales of “The Bear’s Son,” the hero is often portrayed as descending to the underworld to rescue up to three princesses, a plot line that has elicited many different scholarly labels (Cosquin 1887, Vol. 1, pp. 1–27). The most well-known is that of Aarne and Thompson (1961, pp. 90–93), who refer to the story as “The Three Stolen Princesses” (ATU 301)3 with the following variants: “Quest for a Vanished Princess” 3In 2004 an updated version of the Aarne and Thompson (1961) tale type index was published by Uther (2004). Although in the present chapter, tale types will be referenced as ATU (AarneThompson-Uther), I would note that use of tale type indexes and the most recent iteration of them have been a called into question (Dundes 1997; Jason 2006). 3 Translating a Worldview in the longue durée … 69 (ATU 301A); “The Strong Man and His Companions Journey to the Land of Gold” (ATU 301B); “The Magic Objects” (ATU 301C) and “The Dragons Ravish Princesses” (ATU 301D).4 Hansen (1957, pp. 24–25, 75–77) classified the tale similarly, with some modifications, but he saw that ATU 301 combined often with “Strong John” (ATU 650) (“Der Starke Hans”), a version of which appears in Grimm. Yet no particular significance has been attributed by folklorists to the fact that the hero is often portrayed as having a human mother and an ursine father, even when the hero is described as being very hairy or having bear ears. At times, he is described as a human from the waist up and a bear from the waist down. In the case of ATU 650 “Strong John,” his ursine paternity is not mentioned. The hero is merely described as extraordinarily strong without any explanation being given, for example having the strength of fourteen men or eating as much as fourteen men, but without any reason for why this is so. In the Basque language variants of the tale classed collectively as ATU 650, the main character is called Hamalau, a term that translates literally as the number “Fourteen” (Frank 2008b). Hence, finding tales in Romance languages, for example Spanish, Catalan and Italian versions of ATU 650, in which the hero is called “Fourteen,” would suggest that the ultimate source of those tales was probably the Basque-language version itself and that at some point a form of bilingualism played a role in the transmission of the tales.5 We need to remember that the label frequently used by folklorists, that is, “The Bear’s Son,” is a broad one.6 It encompasses not 4A remarkably in-depth discussion of the tale and its diffusion is found in the Wikipedia entry for “Jean de l’Ours”. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jean_de_l%27Ours (accessed 28 Jan 2019). 5Joan Armangué, email message to the author, 20 Aug 2009. 6ATU 301, referred to globally as “The Bear’s Son,” refers to tales with a remarkably similar narrative structure that have been recorded in many different languages. Although in actual practice the tales show up with different titles, the name of the main character has tended to be stable, no matter the language in which the tale was collected: Juan el Osito in Spanish, Jan de l’Os (Catalan), Jan l’Ourset (Gascon), Jean de l’Ours in French, Giovanni l’Orso in Italian, Hans Bär in German, and Ivanuska as well as Ivanko Medvedko in Slavic languages. In contrast to this generic naming process found in all these languages, as has been noted, in Basque the hero is simply called Hartzkume and Harzko. Even though the reasons for this discrepancy are fascinating, they lie outside the scope of this study. 70 R. M. Frank only ATU 301 and its variants but also, as mentioned, this tale type has been linked to ATU 650. A key element in the plot line of ATU 301 is the fact that the protagonist acquires two or more unusually strong and fully anthropomorphic companions who help him. What has not been recognised, however, is that the fully anthropomorphic helpers replaced the Spirit Animal Helpers that are found in older variants. Instead, the Spirit Animal Helpers end up being relegated to a totally separate and supposedly unrelated tale type, ATU 554, called “The Grateful Animals.”7 And, to complicate matters even more, as will be demonstrated, the Spirit Animal Helpers resurface in the tale type referred to as “The Ogre’s (Devil’s) Heart in the Egg” (ATU 302). To summarise, over time the plot of the tale broke into pieces, each of which realigned itself in different ways to reflect the changing cultural conceptualisations of Europeans. Hence, we can see that narratives associated with the expression “The Bear’s Son” include ATU 301, plus ATU 301a, b, c, and d, variants referred to globally by folklorists as “The Three Princesses.” At the same time there are other tale types that form part of the same narrative tradition: ATU 650 “Strong John,” ATU 554 “The Grateful Animals,” and ATU 302, now shortened to “Soul in an Egg.” In sum, over time the story-line and episodes associated with earlier version of the tale ended up breaking apart and, as a result, became classified as different tale types (ATU 650, ATU 554, ATU 302, and ATU 301, plus at least four subtypes of ATU 301).8 7Little attention has been paid to this tale type or the fact that episodes making up the story-line of ATU 302 and ATU 554 overlap in remarkable ways. One of the few studies is found in Vinson’s collection of Basque folktales, where he talks about a tale called “Les Dons des Trois Animaux” (Vinson 1883, I, pp. 166–177, II, pp. 129–131). 8Examples of tales where there is a melding of motifs from ATU 301, ATU 302, ATU 650 and ATU 554 include two versions of a story called “La princesa encantada” (Espinosa 1946–1947, pp. 294–299); “La serpiente de siete cabezas”; and two versions of “El cuerpo sin alma” collected by Wheeler (1943, pp. 317–339). 3 Translating a Worldview in the longue durée … 7.2 71 The Disappearance of the Animal Helpers In the tale of “The Bear’s Son” (ATU 301), the Animal Helpers disappear entirely from view, replaced by figures more in consonance with the later worldview. Instead of animal helpers, the hero acquires two or three anthropomorphic companions, huge male figures endowed with immense strength. Although the main protagonist is still portrayed as half-bear and half-human, born of a human female and a bear, his helper companions are no longer animals as is the case in the earlier versions. For example, de Blécourt (2012, pp. 179–181) discusses a literary tale dating from 1634 in which the animals morph into helping brothers-in-law or brothers, a tale type classed as ATU 552. With the passage of time a kind of bifurcation takes place giving rise to two variants. On the one hand, we have the set of stories that continue to retain the animal helpers (ATU 302 and ATU 554) and, to a certain extent, imprints from the animistic coding of the earlier story-line. But in these tales, the ursine identity of the hero is gone. On the other hand, there is the set of stories (ATU 301), known as the tales of “The Bear’s Son,” in which the ursine ancestry of the main character is retained, but the animal helpers are translated into human companions. In summary, the encounter of the hero with the four animal helpers often survives, together with some iteration of the magic formula. However, these elements constitute a separate tale type. In the process, the key structural importance of the animal helpers to the development of the overall plot is lost. In other instances, episodes from the plot detach themselves entirely and wander off, becoming viewed as standalone stories in which the magic formula is only a peripheral element. In these instances, the ursine identity of the main character also disappears. Not uncommonly, even when animals are mentioned, the now fully human hero is elevated even further, as elements from a hierarchical society are introduced into the frame, reconfiguring the main character as a prince who rescues a princess. And, because of his success, based on carrying out individual actions on his own, he is rewarded and able to marry the daughter of the king. 72 R. M. Frank At times, in these stand-alone tales the antagonist from the original narrative survives and can be easily recognised, transformed into a kind of ogre portrayed as the “immortal enemy.” For instance, he shows up in Slavic folktales as Kościej nieśmiertelny (Polish) or Кoщéй Бeccмépтный (Russian). This stand-alone story, classified by the tale type “The Ogre’s (Devil’s) Heart in the Egg” (ATU 302), will serve as an example of the way that the older narrative and story-line becomes modified over time. 7.3 An Example of Fragmentation: “Koshchei the Immortal” A well-known Russian version of the story speaks of how a warlock called Koshchei the Immortal carries off a princess and keeps her prisoner in his golden castle. A prince named Ivan encounters her one day as she is walking alone and disconsolate in the castle garden, and cheered by the prospect of escaping with him she goes to the warlock and coaxes him with false and flattering words, saying, “My dearest friend, tell me, I pray you, will you never die?” “Certainly not,” says he. “Well,” says she, “and where is your death?” In this case his “death” is portrayed as a concrete object that must be located, albeit with great difficulty, and not as the result of a sequence of successful ritual battles. Eventually Koshchei tells her the following: My death is far from here and hard to find, on the wide ocean: in that sea is the island of Bujan, and upon this island there grows a green oak, and beneath this oak is an iron chest, and in this chest is a small basket, and in this basket is a hare, and in this hare is a duck, and in this duck is an egg; and he who finds the egg and breaks it, at that same instant causes my death. (Dietrich 1857, p. 23) The prince procures the fateful egg and with it in his hands he confronts the immortal giant. In one of the descriptions of Koshchei’s death, he is said to be killed by a blow to his forehead, inflicted by the mysterious egg (Curtin 1891, pp. 119–122; Dietrich 1857, pp. 21–24; Ralston 1873, pp. 100–105, 109). 3 Translating a Worldview in the longue durée … 73 Over time Koshchei turned into a legendary figure in Slavic countries and remains very popular even today, albeit in new incarnations. He has been used in various games, movies, and theatrical productions. For example, The Witcher is an action role-playing hack and slash video game, developed by CD Projekt RED and published by Atari. It is based on a book series of the same name by the Polish author Andrzej Sapkowski, who must have been familiar with the Slavic versions of the folktale and its frightful antagonist. The vitality of this character as a source of creative reconstructions in Slavic culture is truly remarkable. In addition to inspiring producers of video games and novels, Koshchei was utilised earlier by Slavic composers, appearing as the villain in Igor Stravinsky’s ballet Firebird, while Nikolai Rimsky-Korsakov wrote an opera involving him, titled Кaщeй бeccмepтный, or Kashchey the Immortal.9 When we compare the older version with the Slavic example, significant changes in the story-line and cast of characters can be detected (Table 2). As mentioned, another example of the fragmentation of the story is the fact that this episode has been extracted and used as a separate classificatory tale type: “The Ogre’s (Devil’s) Heart in the Egg” (ATU 302). Frazer utilised an even broader classification in order to illustrate the wide-spread nature of this motif which he described as “The External Soul in Folk-tales.” Indeed, he dedicated an entire chapter to exploring its manifestations in European folktales. The majority of the narratives treated fall under ATU 302 and include encounters with the Animal Helpers and references to variations, often quite strange in nature, of the formula that needs to be carried out to bring about the death of a monster, evil fairy, warlock or dragon, a formula that frequently requires breaking a magic egg on the forehead of the enemy (Frazer 1913, pp. 95–141). However, in the tales discussed by Frazer, the ursine identity of the hero is not mentioned even once. 9For further discussions of the origins and diffusion of this character cf. https://en.wikipedia.org/ wiki/Koschei (accessed 28 Jan 2019). 74 R. M. Frank Table 2 Earlier animistic version vs. Slavic version of “Koshchei the Immortal” Hero Female Antagonist Powers attributed to main characters Cast of characters Role of predator animals Earlier animistic version Slavic version Half-bear, half-human (Bear’s Son) Young woman who cannot leave her old father Old man who is immortal Shamanic—shape-shifting Prince Ivan Commoners Active—spirit helpers—shape-shifters Role of prey animals Active—shape-shifters playing the role of the Old Man’s Brother Mortality caused by blow Egg to the forehead 8 Princess who is held captive Giant who is immortal Physical strength and prowess Royalty Absent Passive—physically dissected by the hero to obtain the egg Egg Conclusions: Viewed in the longue durée When viewed in the longue durée, we can see that the tale has been retold and retranslated thousands of times, given that variants show up in languages spoken across much of Europe. Features integral to the master narrative and hence the story-line itself can be viewed as proxies for estimating the chronological horizon that should be assigned to the interpretative framework accessed by storytellers and their audiences, that is, the worldview entrenched in the story. Our analysis reveals an animistic cosmology typical of bear ceremonialism, grounded in the belief that humans descended from bears and, conversely, that bears are relatives of humans (Fig. 1). A close reading of the narrative plot and the logic implicit to the story-line allows us to gain insights into contextual factors and knowledge structures that were once functioning in the background and that allowed storytellers and their audiences to make sense of the events narrated. Whereas it is impossible to know the time-depth that should be assigned to the story-line itself, the ursine genealogy takes us back to a pre-agro-pastoral mentality and to an audience familiar with an animistic ontology typical of hunter-gatherers (Frank 2018). Even though 3 Translating a Worldview in the longue durée … EĂƌƌĂƟǀĞdžƚĞƌŶĂůŝnjĞĚ ŝŶWĞƌĨŽƌŵĂŶĐĞƌƚ ͻ DƵůƟƉůĞĞdžĂŵƉůĞƐŽĨďĞĂƌĨĞƐƚƐ ƉĞƌĨŽƌŵĞĚŝŶǀŝůůĂŐĞƐĂĐƌŽƐƐ ƵƌŽƉĞ ͻ WĞƌĨŽƌŵĞƌƐĚƌĞƐƐĞĚĂƐďĞĂƌͲ ŚƵŵĂŶƐĂŶĚƋƵŝƚĞƉŽƐƐŝďůLJĂƐƚŚĞ ĞĂƌΖƐ^ŽŶŚŝŵƐĞůĨ ^ƚŽƌLJŽĨ>ŝĨĞΘdŝŵĞƐ ŽĨƚŚĞ,ĞƌŽĂƐ ^ŚĂŵĂŶƉƉƌĞŶƟĐĞ ͻ ,ŝƐƌŽůĞĂƐĂŶ/ŶƚĞƌŵĞĚŝĂƌLJ ďĞƚǁĞĞŶŚƵŵĂŶƐĂŶĚďĞĂƌƐ ͻ ǀŝƐŝŽŶƋƵĞƐƚĂŶĚĂĐƋƵŝƐŝƟŽŶŽĨ ŚŝƐ^ƉŝƌŝƚŶŝŵĂů,ĞůƉĞƌƐ ĞůŝĞĨŝŶĞĂƌ ŶĐĞƐƚŽƌƐ Fig. 1 75 ͻ ^ŚĂƉĞͲƐŚŝŌŝŶŐĂŶĚƐŚĂŵĂŶŝƐŵ ͻ EŽŶͲĂŶƚŚƌŽƉŽĐĞŶƚƌŝĐĂŶŝŵŝƐƟĐ ǀŝĞǁŽĨEĂƚƵƌĞ The “Bear Son’s Tale” in the longue durée the age of the tale itself cannot be dated with precision, the fact that the most undisturbed variants of it have been collected in the Pyrenees and areas nearby, raises a question concerning the current assumption that these tales should be assigned an Indo-European origin, as many have alleged (da Silva and Tehrani 2016; Frazer 1913, pp. 133–134; Grimm and Grimm 1884, pp. 580–581), or whether, instead, they have a pre-Indo-European origin and represent stories that later came to be translated and integrated into the storytelling repertoire of IndoEuropean languages. We can appreciate that until the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, when the majority of these tales were first collected and recorded in written form, we are talking about primarily face-to-face oral transmissions, interactions that separate us from those hunter-gatherers who first came up with the story. Perhaps even more surprising is the fact that in this process, involving multiple levels of translation and reinterpretation, enough of the elements embedded in the archaic worldview have survived, both in the tales themselves and in the associated performance art and folk belief of Europeans, that we can still perceive the outlines of the original narrative. 76 R. M. Frank Moreover, their survival raises a raft of questions concerning the role of these oral traditions and the reasons that they survived. Were they once viewed by storytellers, the knowledge keepers of the past, as a vehicle for maintaining and transmitting key elements of this worldview from one generation to the next? Less expected perhaps, is the emergence of the clear possibility of finding in these folkloric traditions, reflexes of an older pre-Indo-European culture. Clearly in the intervening millennia separating us from our hunter-gatherer ancestors, Europe has undergone major socio-cultural and economic transformations, both ideological and demographic, all of which have acted to undermine this earlier hunter-gatherer ideology and the animistic worldview that supported it. Nevertheless, the primacy of the figure of the bear and the ursine pattern of descent intrinsic to the pan-European Bear’s Son tales is still visible beneath the accumulated layers of translation and transformation. References Aarne, Antti, and Stith Thompson. 1961. The Types of the Folktale: A Classification and Bibliography. 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