ISSN 2651-8988 (Print) Volume 2 Number 2 2022 JOURNAL OF VAMPIRE STUDIES Editor Anthony Hogg Assistant Editor Andrew M. Boylan VAMPIRE STUDIES ASSOCIATION vampirestudies.org Journal of Vampire Studies Journal of Vampire Studies (ISSN 2651-8988) is published twice a year in June and December on behalf of the Vampire Studies Association (ABN 96 775 755 325), PO Box 3005, Syndal VIC 3149, Australia. Indexing JVS is indexed in the the MLA International Bibliography. Correspondence Email editorial, business and media inquiries to Anthony Hogg at: thevampirologist@hotmail.com. Include reason for contact in the subject subject line. Physical mail can be sent only after prior arrangement with the Editor. Do not send unsolicited mail. Permissions Contributions licensed, published and distributed under Attribution-NonCommercialNoDerivatives 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0) (https://creative commons.org/licenses /by-nc-nd/4.0). Contributions can be freely copied and quoted from for research and recreational purposes. Redistribution allowed in any medium or format if appropriate credit given (cite source, licence and copyright notice and provide link to licence). All changes must be noted. However, contributions cannot be distributed if they are remixed, transformed, or built upon, nor used for commercial purposes except as financial compensation (e.g. royalties or payments received from a publisher for reprinting contribution). Commercial agreements breaching these terms and conditions not permitted. Advertising Space available in the Journal of Vampire Studies for non-fiction books, academic journals, call for papers, lectures, conferences, and courses about vampires at Editor’s discretion. Email Editor for consideration. Copyright © 2022 the Contributors. Editorial Board Editor Anthony Hogg Vampire Studies Association, Australia Assistant Editor Andrew M. Boylan Vampire Studies Assocition, UK Advisory Board Simon Bacon Independent Scholar, Poland Margaret L. Carter Lord Ruthven Assembly, USA Bill Ellis Pennsylvania State University, USA Rob Fisher Progressive Connections, UK J. Gordon Melton Baylor University, USA John W. Morehead Theofantastique.com, USA Martin V. Riccardo Vampire Studies, USA Kamil Stachowski, Jagiellonian University,Poland CONTENTS Journal of Vampire Studies Volume 2, Number 2 2022 EDITORIALS 141 Changes and Goals for the Journal Anthony Hogg 143 Reasons This Issue Was Delayed Anthony Hogg PEER-REVIEWED ARTICLES 147 Female Teenage Vampires as Self-Control Paradigms in True Blood, The Vampire Diaries and Byzantium Amy Williams Wilson ARTICLES 169 Historical References to Nosferatu Anthony Hogg NOTES 198 Brief Notes on the Differences among Editions of Different Blood: The Vampire as Alien Margaret L. Carter 199 On Finding the Earliest Known Use of Nosferatu Anthony Hogg 205 The True Publication Date of Heinrich von Wlislocki’s Nosferat Article Anthony Hogg 209 Publication Date of The Annotated Dracula, Pt. 1 Anthony Hogg REVIEW ESSAYS 214 Ottoman Accounts of Vampirism Marinos Sariyannis BOOK REVIEWS 220 The Transmedia Vampire: Essays on Technological Convergence and the Undead, edited by Simon Bacon Andrew M. Boylan iv JOURNAL OF VAMPIRE STUDIES 224 Vampires from Another World: The Cinematic Progeny of H.G. Wells’ “The War of the Worlds” and Bram Stoker’s “Dracula,” by Simon Bacon Margaret L. Carter 228 The Tale of the Living Vampyre: New Directions in Vampire Studies, by Kevin Dodd Carol A. Senf 230 Alluring Monsters: The Pontianak and Cinemas of Decolonization, by Rosalind Galt Alicia Izharuddin 233 With Stake and Spade: Vampiric Diversity in Poland; An Introduction and Sourcebook, by Łukasz Kozak Daniel J. Wood 235 The Vampire Almanac: The Complete History, by J. Gordon Melton Grove Koger 241 BOOKS RECEIVED OBITUARIES 242 Ornella Volta (1927–2020) Fabio Camilletti BIBLIOGRAPHIES 246 Supplement, Annual Bibliography for 2020 (I) Anthony Hogg 249 Annual Bibliography for 2021 Anthony Hogg APPENDICES 258 Annotated Email Correspondence on Pre-1885 References to Nosferatu Anthony Hogg and Niels K. Petersen 273 NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS & PEER REVIEWERS INDEXES 275 Index to Volume 2 278 ERRATA REVIEW ESSAYS Ottoman Accounts of Vampirism Marinos Sariyannis Institute for Mediterranean Studies/FORTH, Rethymno, Greece Kırgi, Salim Fikret. Osmanlı Vampirleri: Söylenceler, Etkileşimler, Tepkiler. Istanbul: İletişim, 2018. Pp. 128. ₺34 (paperback). ISBN 978-975-05-2455-4. Although European vampire lore seems to have originated in the former Ottoman territories,1 Ottoman sources for vampirism have minimum visibility in vampire studies. One reason is the inaccessibility of the language; another is the limited number of these sources. Indeed, one can almost count Ottoman accounts of vampires on one hand (although we cannot exclude the possibility of new sources being discovered in the future). Most have been known to the community of Ottomanist scholars for decades, but have drawn little interest until very recently. The book at hand by Salim Fikret Kırgi, a reworked and translated version of his master’s thesis, “An Early Modern Horror Story: The Folk Beliefs in Vampire-Like Supernatural Beings in the Ottoman Empire and the Consequent Responses in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries” (2017), aims to present these sources in their entirety and put them in a more general framework. In doing so, Kırgi also presents yet another source, heretofore unknown to scholarship. Vampirism was not a common belief in Muslim Anatolian populations—as the belief in revenants or vampires originated in the Slavic peoples—although there are some affinities with Central Asian Turkic populations. In the Ottoman territories, there are also vampire traditions among the Greek populations of the Aegean islands and Crete, with which Kırgi does not deal.2 Thus, almost all of the instances recorded in Ottoman sources concern Christian populations and show the gaze of the Ottoman authorities, commissioned to uphold the principles of Islamic orthodoxy, in the context of which the souls of the dead had no way of returning among the living (although this was a possibility for many Sufi sheikhs and authors). The first instance is a set of fetvas, i.e. responses to questions, issued by the sheikhulislam or chief müfti (jurisconsult)3 of the Ottoman Empire, Ebussuud Efendi (1490–1574). They all probably refer to the same case; a rise of vampire fear in an It is well-known that the first instance of vampirism that reached European press came from Serbia, after it had passed into the hands of the Austrians in 1718 with the Treaty of Passarowitz, whereas the first vampire stories in European literature sought inspiration in stories from the Aegean islands. Ken Gelder, Reading the Vampire (London: Routledge, 1994), 24–41. 2 See, for example, Karen Hartnup, ‘On the Beliefs of the Greeks’: Leo Allatios and Popular Orthodoxy (Leiden: Brill, 2004), esp. 173–236. 3 All translations are my own. 1 214 Ottoman Accounts of Vampirism 215 unspecified Christian village of the Balkans, near Thessaloniki (Salonica). The fetvas make a subtle distinction between this phenomenon being presented in a Muslim or a Christian corpse; it seems that according to the sheikhulislam, in the second case local usage (namely impaling, decapitating or burning the corpse) may prove effective. The explanation is that these corpses are set into motion by “nüfus-i şerire” (evil souls) (61), which might be jinn or demons for all we know. These fetvas seem to have made quite an impression, as we see them used in further occasions even more than a century later (a few decades after Ebussuud’s death, the poet Mustafa Cinânî [d. 1595] uses his first fetva in order to illustrate the story of clear jinn possession—much more feasible in Islamic tradition than its first object, undead souls).4 The second most famous Ottoman source on vampires is a report by the judge of Edirne, recorded in 1701 and dealing again with a Balkan village: this time, it is clearly a Muslim upon whose graves “ervâh-ı habîse alâyimi zâhir ve müşâhede olunup” (signs of wicked spirits had been observed) (68). The report, included in an anonymous chronicle, refers to the Ebussuud fetva but with some doubt, as it notes that the judge was not able to find these instructions in “Arabî kitâblarda” (Arabic books) (68); furthermore, although similar measures are proposed, they are so in order to appease not these “ervâh-ı habîse” (wicked souls) (68) but rather the fear of the inhabitants. The anonymous author adds a second instance, a decree concerning a Muslim woman buried in the town of Edirne “cesedi münfesih olmamış ve levni dahi humret ile mütegayyir olduğu” 5 (whose corpse has not rotted and whose face has turned red). At any rate, no “witch-hunt” seems to have ensued in all these cases; even though judges are instructed to carefully conduct a reality check of the purported vampire cases, there is no punitive intent. It seems that vampire lore re-emerged in the first half of the nineteenth century. In 1833, the official gazette of the Ottoman state, Takvîm-i Vekâyi’, published an interesting report on two undead janissaries in Tirnovo (modern-day Bulgaria)— both were dealt with by a Christian professional with a stake, boiling water and finally fire.6 This report is usually interpreted as part of the propaganda against the janissaries,7 who had been violently suppressed by the sultan, Mahmud II (1785– 1839), in 1826. Whereas this must be very much the case, it seems there was a vampire panic of sorts in the Balkans at the time: Michael Ursinus studied three Marinos Sariyannis, “Of Ottoman Ghosts, Vampires and Sorcerers: An Old Discussion Disinterred,” Archivum Ottomanicum 30 (2013): 191–216, particularly pp. 201–202. 5 The account of the anonymous chronicler was first noticed in Markus Köhbach, “Ein Fall von Vampirismus bei den Osmanen,” Balkan Studies 20, no. 1 (1979): 83–90, and esp. 85– 87 for the German translation of the account. For this particular quote, see p. 87. 6 “Tırnova Naibi müderrisin-i kiramdan Ahmed Şükrü Efendi’nin Der-Aliyye’ye takdim eylediği ibret alacak ilamıdır ki ayniyle tab olunmuşdur,” Takvîm-i Vekâyi’, 21 Cemaziyülevvel 1249 [October 6, 1833]. 7 İlber Ortaylı, İmparatorluğun en uzun yüzyılı (Istanbul: Hil Yayın, 1995), 32; Edhem Eldem, “Yeniçeri Mezartaşları Kitabı Vesilesiyle Yeniçeri Taşları ve Tarih Üzerine,” Toplumsal Tarih, August 2009, 2–13, https://www.academia.edu/10323846, esp. 6–7. 4 216 JOURNAL OF VAMPIRE STUDIES records from Bitola (Manastır), dated 1836, 1837 and 1839 on payments for “câdûcılar” or “câdû ustâdları” (experts on witchcraft) to be called upon signs of magic that reportedly had been observed in the area. 8 The phrasing is very similar to the early eighteenth-century documents cited above, and Ursinus concludes that the Bitola incidents were very probably concerning vampirism as well.9 By the late nineteenth century, another Ottoman source describing folk beliefs notes that ghosts were named hortlak or vampir, and that they were mostly appearing in Edirne (where people called them hortlak) and Manastır (Bitola), where, the author notes, they were called vampir.10 These instances should be complemented by two other Ottoman mentions of vampirism, coming from outside the borders of the empire. One is discovered by Kırgi, the author of the book under review: a work of catechism composed by a Crimean scholar, Ebü’l-Bekā el-Kefevî (d. 1684), contains a section on the ritual methods to destroy a vampire, actually copying or adapting Ebussu’ud’s fetvas (80– 89). Kefevî’s case shows both that these fetvas were circulating as a whole (something that can also be deduced by the reports of the anonymous chronicle) and that cases of vampirism might have been reported in the Crimea, prompting him to speak of these methods. The second mention belongs to the highly interesting travelogue of Evliya Çelebi (1611–after 1685), who describes his experience of a witches Sabbath of sorts in the Caucasus, a battle among Circassan and Abkhazian “wizards” that took place in 1666 (70–80). The description is unexpectedly corroborating Carlo Ginzburg’s hypothesis of a common Eurasian substratum underlying Sabbath traditions;11 what is more, in our context here, the Circassian word Evliya gives for these “wizards” is obur (the Turkic form of “vampire,” which arguably led to the Old East Slavic упирь / upir’),12 and these obur Ursinus, “Osmanische Lokalbehörden der frühen Tanzimat im Kampf gegen Vampire? Amtsrechnungen (maṣārıf defterleri) aus Makedonien im Lichte der Aufzeichnungen Marko Cepenkovs (1829—1920),” Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes 82 (1992): 359–74. 9 Ursinus, 372–4. 10 Abdülaziz Bey, Osmanlı âdet, merasim ve tabirleri, vol. 2, İnsanlar, inanışlar, eğlence, dil, ed. K. Arısan and D. Arısan Günay (Istanbul: Tarih Vakfı Yurt Yayınları, 1995), 374. 11 See Ginzburg, Ecstasies: Deciphering the Witches’ Sabbath, trans. Raymond Rosenthal (New York: Prometheus Books, 1991; London: Penguin Books, 1992), 163–4. Citation refers to the Penguin edition. Evliya’s account is also mentioned by Jean-Louis Bacqué-Grammont, “Evliya Çelebi seyahatnamesinde büyü,” in Çağının sıradışı yazarı Evliya Çelebi, ed. Nuran Tezcan (Istanbul: Yapı Kredi, 2009), 90; and Murat Yaşar, “Evliya Çelebi in the Circassian Lands: Vampires, Tree Worshippers, and Pseudo-Muslims,” Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 67, no. 1 (2014): 75–96. 12 On the linguistic aspect see Elisabetta Ragagnin, “Is ‹vampire› a Turkic Word ?,” in Tra quattro paradisi: Esperienze, ideologie e riti relativi alla morte tra Oriente e Occidente, ed. Antonio Fabris (Venice: Edizioni Ca’Foscari, 2013), 60–70; and Kamil Stachowski and Olaf Stachowski, “Possibly Oriental Elements in Slavonic Folklore. Upiór ~ Wampir,” in Essays in the History of Languages and Linguistics: Dedicated to Marek Stachowski on the Occasion of his 60 th Birthday, ed. Michał Németh, Barbara Podolak and Mateusz Urban (Kraków: Księgarnia Akademicka, 2017), 643–93. 8 Ottoman Accounts of Vampirism 217 go out of their tombs when dead and drink blood in order to live forever. Furthermore, the manner Circassians deal with these revenants of sorts is, again, taking the corpse out of the tomb and nail a wooden stake into its navel. This is the rather meagre Ottoman material on vampirism, arguably telling us more about the attitudes of the Ottoman authorities against vampire traditions than about these traditions themselves, although the Ebussu’ud fetvas are among the earliest recorded instances we know (an English translation of the fetvas and of the anonymous chronicler’s excerpt was recently published).13 An exception is Evliya’s account, adding new geographical and ethnographical parameters to the phenomenon. Kırgi’s Osmanlı Vampirleri is the first effort to gather and combine all these accounts in a book-length study.14 Kırgi manages to produce a 128-page book out of these scant sources, putting them into context and linking them both to Ottoman realities and European vampire fascination. After a useful introduction about the various forms and uses of vampire lore, the first chapter frames the topic of vampirism in the religious and international framework of the early modern era: the author highlights the role of the Counter-Reformation in the quest for and the suppression of superstition in Europe, the seventeenth-century Jesuit Leo Allatios’ descriptions of Greek beliefs on vrykolakas or vampire and of the attitude of the Orthodox Church against them, as well as contemporaneous similar reports of the Catholic clergy on vampire traditions in Northern Macedonia, to end with the rise of such accounts in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, always with an Orientalist overtone. In the second chapter, Kırgi examines the four pre-nineteenth-century Ottoman accounts on vampirism (Ebussuud’s fetvas, the anonymous chronicler, Evliya’s report on Circassia, and the Crimean scholar’s catechism), adding a short fetva by Hoca Sa’deddin (1536/37–1599), discovered by Edhem Eldem (b. 1960), along the lines of Ebussuud’s rulings. Kırgi shows convincingly that vampire folklore must have been constantly emerging from the second half of the sixteenth century onwards, and that Ebussuud’s fetvas formed a corpus that must have been circulating among the jurisprudence apparatus providing an inventory of legitimate methods to deal with such phenomena. Finally, the third part of the book deals with the Ottoman response to the European “vampire craze,” i.e. the consistent use of vampire traditions by the Enlightenment authors and romantic literature. In this chapter, Kırgi describes the reports on janissary vampires in the 1830s and links them with the political antijanissary climate of the period. He also traces the semantic development of the words associated with vampirism, showing how it reflects the ongoing 13 Marinos Sariyannis, trans., “On Revenants and Ghosts,” in The Ottoman World: A Cultural History Reader, 1450–1700, ed. Hakan T. Karateke and Helga Anetshofer (Oakland: University of California Press, 2021), 188–94. 14 Previous attempts at comprehensive studies of these sources include Zeynep Aycibin, “Osmanlı devleti’nde cadılar üzerine bir değerlendirme,” OTAM: Ankara Üniversitesi Osmanlı Tarihi Araştırma ve Uygulama Merkezi Dergisi 24 (2008): 55–69; and Sariyannis, “Ottoman Ghosts, Vampires and Sorcerers,” 194–200. 218 JOURNAL OF VAMPIRE STUDIES Westernization (in all its complexity) of Ottoman intellectual life throughout the nineteenth century. In sum, Kırgi’s book is a very welcome contribution to vampire studies. It combines detailed knowledge of the primary sources with modern scholarly bibliography and tries successfully to establish a dialogue between Ottoman accounts and perceptions, on the one hand, and European responses, on the other. For the Ottomanists, it may not present much new material (apart from the Crimean catechism) but it has the advantage of gathering together all sources and giving their historical context within the framework of entangled history. For Turkish vampire enthusiasts, it presents a mine of information on the “other side” of well-known Balkan traditions. It is a pity the book is inaccessible to the international community of scholars and aficionados dealing with the vampire phenomenon; an English translation would be most welcome, and it will open new exciting horizons to vampire studies. Bibliography Abdülaziz Bey. Osmanlı âdet, merasim ve tabirleri. Vol. 2, İnsanlar, inanışlar, eğlence, dil. Edited by K. Arısan and D. Arısan Günay. Istanbul: Tarih Vakfı Yurt Yayınları, 1995. Aycibin, Zeynep. “Osmanlı Devleti’nde Cadılar Üzerine Bir Değerlendirme.” OTAM: Ankara Üniversitesi Osmanlı Tarihi Araştırma ve Uygulama Merkezi Dergisi 24 (2008): 55–69. Bacqué-Grammont, Jean-Louis. “Evliya Çelebi seyahatnamesinde büyü.” In Çağının sıradışı yazarı Evliya Çelebi, edited by Nuran Tezcan, 87–90. Istanbul: Yapı Kredi, 2009. Eldem, Edhem. “Yeniçeri Mezartaşları Kitabı Vesilesiyle Yeniçeri Taşları ve Tarih Üzerine.” Toplumsal Tarih, August 2009, 2–13. https://www.academia.edu/10323846. Gelder, Ken. Reading the Vampire. London: Routledge, 1994. Ginzburg, Carlo. Ecstasies: Deciphering the Witches’ Sabbath. Translated by Raymond Rosenthal. London: Penguin Books, 1992. First published 1991 by Prometheus Books (New York). Originally published as Storia notturna: Una decifrazione del Sabba (Turin: Giulio Einaudi, 1989). Kirgi, Salim Fikret. “An Early Modern Horror Story: The Folk Beliefs in Vampire-Like Supernatural Beings in the Ottoman Empire and the Consequent Responses in the Sixteen and Seventeenth Centuries.” Master’s thesis, Central European University, 2017. https://www.etd.ceu.edu/2017/kirgi_salim.pdf. Hartnup, Karen. ‘On the Beliefs of the Greeks’: Leo Allatios and Popular Orthodoxy. Leiden: Brill, 2004. Köhbach, Markus. “Ein Fall von Vampirismus bei den Osmanen.” Balkan Studies 20, no. 1 (1979): 83–90. Ortaylı, İlber. İmparatorluğun en uzun yüzyılı. Istanbul: Hil Yayın, 1995. Ragagnin, Elisabetta. “Is ‹vampire› a Turkic Word ?” In Tra quattro paradisi. Esperienze, ideologie e riti relativi alla morte tra Oriente e Occidente, edited by Antonio Fabris, 60–70. Venice: Edizioni Ca’Foscari, 2013. Sariyannis, Marinos. “Of Ottoman Ghosts, Vampires and Sorcerers: An Old Discussion Disinterred.” Archivum Ottomanicum 30 (2013): 191–216. ———, trans. “On Revenants and Ghosts.” In The Ottoman World: A Cultural History Reader, 1450–1700, edited by Hakan T. Karateke and Helga Anetshofer, 188–94. Oakland: University of California Press, 2021. Stachowski, Kamil, and Olaf Stachowski. “Possibly Oriental Elements in Slavonic Folklore. Ottoman Accounts of Vampirism 219 Upiór ~ Wampir.” In Essays in the History of Languages and Linguistics: Dedicated to Marek Stachowski on the Occasion of his 60th Birthday, edited by Michał Németh, Barbara Podolak and Mateusz Urban, 643–93. Kraków: Księgarnia Akademicka, 2017. Takvîm-i Vekâyi’. “Tırnova Naibi müderrisin-i kiramdan Ahmed Şükrü Efendi’nin DerAliyye’ye takdim eylediği ibret alacak ilamıdır ki ayniyle tab olunmuşdur.” 21 Cemaziyülevvel 1249 [October 6, 1833]. Ursinus, Michael. “Osmanische Lokalbehörden der frühen Tanzimat im Kampf gegen Vampire? Amtsrechnungen (maṣārıf defterleri) aus Makedonien im Lichte der Aufzeichnungen Marko Cepenkovs (1829—1920).” Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes 82 (1992): 359–74. Yaşar, Murat. “Evliya Çelebi in the Circassian Lands: Vampires, Tree Worshippers, and Pseudo-Muslims.” Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 67, no. 1 (2014): 75– 96.