Ç -à*ì 'tt jLö l ¿,.1¡$ s,4Ðì 2lr@ aLy'L sa¿L:Jl \è{,irãcl-: 4)lút)l .^4e)14 -_rt:Út ;iy'I ùJl Univerçité Mohofirìed V de ,o{t"x JÍ^"t I +800L +.E.x{v+ R<rtror [ûrùllé der Iellre! eì des 5rie¡tes llumoi¡e¡ Langues et société au Maroc Mélanges en hommage au Professeur Ahmed Boukous Coordination Fatima Boukhris El Houssaïn El Moujahid Said Bennis 2018 Mélanges en hommage au professeur Ahmed Boukous The Amazigh word for fïrel Maarten Kossmann Universiteit Leiden I I I S I 1 Dans cet article, les termes amazighes les plus répandus pour le terme ,feu, sont étudiés. Il s'avère que deux racines ont une répartition dialectale très générale, *(2)FW et *MS. Il semble probable que ,", drr* termes doivent être reconstitués pour le stade proto-amazighe, sans doute avec un sémantisme différent. Nous proposons que I'un d'entre eux *(p)FW avait à J'aire avec le feu "sauvage" (comme le feu de brousse), tandis que *MS était lié au feu domestique. Cross-linguistically, ofire' is_ among the most stable words in diachrony. It is part of the major lists of basic vocabulary, and even occupies the first place in the LàipzigJakarta list of basic u_o^r!!yl!ry: a weighted list o? basic vocabilary in the wórldTs languages (Tadmor 2009:69), based on the results of the Loanword rypology Project (Haspelmath & Tadmor 2009). In quite a number of Amazigh.languages, the concept of .fire, is expressed by means of a loanword from Arabic, no doubt to avoid of associations wiih Hellfire, The same avoidance strategy is found in Maghribian Arabic, where the word eafya, used rather than the óriglnat Arabic noùn nar ,fire' iÃee Behnstedt & woidich 20lr:433434). Amazigh languages typically iake over the euphemism, e.g. 'Tashelhiyt tmfit (Deitaing-lglù í;7, lit._ 'well-being', is dhom*u teafya {rabic (Mourigh 2016: 383), Figuig tmfayt (Benamarã 2013: 30â), cf. Kossmáín (2013:t16). when sjudylng Amazigh vocabulary, one finds two widely attested roots used in for 'fire', (?)Fw and MS. In the following, the Amazigh varieties will be presented in a half-geographical, half-genetic ãrdering, laigely rolowin! expressions Kossmann (1999). This is not méant us u gen"iti" classificatioñ, Uut arrange the data in a more or less accessibie way. jìr.i as a way tã a great honor to dedicate this article to Prof. Ahmed Boukous. In the article, various In order to keep the argumentation clear, tranicriptions tåt;G;; normalized bv means of the (rather unrômarkab"lel truntciiptiã";y;1; used in Kossmann (2013). l1t;s sources have been used. 369 Maarten Kossmann 1. (?)FW This term is well-attested (NaTt-Zenad 2002: 506, 675, sub F3 and FW1; Laoust 1920:182): Tuareg: M.ali efew (Heath 2006: 139); similar or identical forms elsewhere (Ritter 2009:IU222). Western Tetsenét efr,pl.afabban (Lux 2013: 528), not inZenaga. Eastern: Awjila afiw (van Putten 2014:246). Ghadames ofa (Lanfry 1973: 86). Nefusa tfawt (Begtinot 7942:234). Not attested in Siwa, Sokna, Elfogaha. Zenatic: Mzab tfawt (Delheure 1984: 56); not attested in the meaning ,fire' in Ouargla, Figuig, Rif. Morocco Ait Hdidou (eastern High Atlas) afa, afa (EAwa-).fire, Hell, (Azdoud 20Il:29). Ayt Wina (southern Middle Atlas) afa (EAwa-) ,fire,Hell, (Oussikoum 2013 : l8I).2 Naït-Zerrad (2002:506) also mentions the term for Tashelhiyt, but I have not been able to establish his source. The noun is clearly related to expressions referring to light and brightness; thus the direct cognate of Mzab and Nefusa tfawt in Figuig (tfa:wt) means-.light', while in Tuareg and in Middle Atlas varieties tifawt tn"añs';..rniir"'; the sime term lies \2\iya lenag:! tuffökt - tffigt (*ltaffagtt) 'light, end of the night, (Taine-cheikh 2008: 150). There is.undoubtedly a relãtion ó the noun tafuk; (and varianrs, see Kossmann 1999: 194) 'suÍì', even though the correspondänces are not entirely clear. A verb of the form ifaw - ffaw'tobecome lightjto be in the morning, is in many Amazigh varieties. The historical reconstruction of the root of this noun is not without caveats. Zenaga tuffägt'light, äffcig'to rise (sun)' and to?(f)fugt - triwfukt,sun'; the fi;t form suggests a stem FW, while the second to.m ruggests ?FW"or ?FK (cf. TaineCheikh 2004; Kossmann 2001). The o in Ghadamei-ofa conesponds regularly to stressed *ã? (Kossmann 2001), and thus would best fiia reconstruction ãpW. ît. other variants do not provide much evidence or counter-evidence for one or the other reconstruction; one notes that the voyelle constante of Middle Atlas afa would be well in line with an earlier glottal stop-initial form. has both A further problem is posed by the absence of /w/in Ghadame s ofa, Middle Atlas afa. There is no doubt that the root the word belongs to has *w, aõ shown by verbs 2For further attestations in central Morocco, see Laoust (1920: Ig2) 370 The Amazigh word for fire such as ifaw. ln Amazigh languages, final w is commonly absent in masculine forms ending in -aw (sometimes in variation), while it reappears in feminine forms, e.g. Kabyle azagza -.azagzaw 'green (M)' vs. tazagzawt'green (F)'. Assuming thai there was a more or less regular dropping of *w uit", o iñ word-final position] this would explain most of the attested forms: Ghadames ofa and Middie 1rttui o¡o would represent the apocopated form, while feminine fõrms such as 6awt woild have preserved the w, as itwas not in word-finat position. The Tuareg fôrms would have preserved u¡ because the apocope only occurì after *a,not after *e. There are two vocalizations of the term: *(?)few (or the like) and *(?)fa(w). l(?Xew is only found with certainty in Tuareg, while *(?)fa(w) is foúnd' ín Ghadames, Nefusa, Mzab and some Moroccan varieties. The histoiical background of Tetserrét vowels is too uncertain to use them for any purposes. Awjilã i can correspond both to e andfo a in other Amazigh varietiei (uun nutt"n z0t3¡, and thus does not help us with the reconstruction either. 2. *MS Attestations of this term are also wide-spread (cf. Laoust 1920: 50): Tuareg; Eastern: Malt: tãmse - temse (Heath 2006:43g); temse (Ayer); timas (Ahaggar) ; í ima s s (Iwellemme den); tems i (Ayer, Iwellemmeden) (Ritter 2Û09il1:222). cf. Mali temãsse'hell' (Heath 2006:43g). Siwa tamsi'fire, hell' (Naumann ms.: 31). Elfoqaha temsi (Paradisi 1963: 1 10). Sokna timsi (Sarnelli 1924-1925: 18). Kabyle: Zenatic: timas(s) - timassi - timsi'fire, Hell' (Dallet l9g2: 520). Ouarglatimsi'fire,Hell'(DelheureIggT:197). Mzab timsi'fire, esp. Hell' (Delheure l9g4: 123). Figuig timsi'fre, fever, Hell, (Benamara 2013:43g). Nf timassi (Serhoual 2002:319). Ayt Seghrouchen timassi (Taîfi I99I: 436). zenaga has a different term for 'fire', derived from a verb for ,to warm oneself',3 butuses tamiih (*/temse/) in the sense of 'Hell'(Taine-cheikh 200g: 36g); this ís no doubt the older term that was ousted for euphemistic reasons. *MS that have a relationship to JherlSre only few other words with theconsonants fire. The most important among these is the word for 'silex, fire stone': Zeiaga t^t:j.le - u?7u7an'fire' (Taine-Cheikh 2008; 647), cf . zk)uZan.ro warm onesetf ar a fire,; rvrarr luareg tãTuvemt - ta?u?emt ta?u?ent 'ember'(Heath 2006: g3g); Kabyle z.viTan'to warm oneself at a fire, in the sun' (Dallet 1992: 949). 37r Maarten Kossmann ti?r.naíírih (*/te?me5ða/ ofire stone' (Taine-Cheikh 2008: 369); Mzab tmisit'silex, firestone'(Delheure 1984: I23); Figuig tmisi'sllex' (Benamara 2Ol3:448).It is not clear if and how Kabyle taniíía 'silex' (Dallet 1982: 539)is related to these terms.Another related word is no doubt Figuig ilamsi 'hearth' (Benamara 2013: 260);a Middle Atlas almassi (EA wa-) 'hearth, fire, family' (Taifi I99I: 379), cf. Laoust (1920: 50). Taïfi (1.c.) plausibly suggests that this is a compound of an otherwise unattested element al 'locafion' and the root *MS 'fire'. Like with the previous term, the Zenaga evidence is ambiguous as to the presence of an initial glottal stop: while tamíih suggests there was no such a glottal stop, the probably related term ti?maííäh'fire stone' shows one. One also remarks differences in the shape of the noun. Three major shapes appear in the different languages: *mse, *messe and *mess. There is no immediate answer to why these shapes are all found, especially as many of them appeff side by side in the same varieties. 3. Analysis All in all, two major terms for 'fire' are found in the Amazigh languages. Both are well-attested all over the Amazigh-speaking territory, and there is little doubt that both terms were already present in proto-Amazigh. Therefore, one expects that their original meanings were different. One of these terms, *(?)FW is clearly related to terms indicating sundawn, light, and sun. The other term, *MS is only related to one widely attested term, the word for osilex'or'firestone'. This difference in etymological embedding may well indicate the original difference between the two terms. One can imagine that *(?)FW originally indicated a large natural fire, like a bushfire, which would be visible from far away and, from there, have similar appearance as sundawn. On the other hand, *MS could have indicated a man-made fire, contained, and much less luminous than *(?)FW. As this difference is not attested in any modern language in this way, such a reconstruction is conjectural, and other reconstructions remain possible, for example that *FW indicated the light produced by a fire, while *MS referred to the flame and the heat of the fire. aNote also Ouargla ilamsi 'part of the house where water is kept'(Delheure 1987: 169). 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