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The Real Lincoln: A New Look at Abraham Lincoln, His Agenda, and an Unnecessary War Paperback – December 2, 2003

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A New Look at Abraham Lincoln, His Agenda, and an Unnecessary War

Most Americans consider Abraham Lincoln to be the greatest president in history. His legend as the Great Emancipator has grown to mythic proportions as hundreds of books, a national holiday, and a monument in Washington, D.C., extol his heroism and martyrdom. But what if most everything you knew about Lincoln were false? What if, instead of an American hero who sought to free the slaves, Lincoln were in fact a calculating politician who waged the bloodiest war in american history in order to build an empire that rivaled Great Britain's?

In The Real Lincoln, author Thomas J. DiLorenzo uncovers a side of Lincoln not told in many history books--and overshadowed by the immense Lincoln legend. Through extensive research and meticulous documentation, DiLorenzo portrays the sixteenth president as a man who devoted his political career to revolutionizing the American form of government from one that was very limited in scope and highly decentralized—as the Founding Fathers intended—to a highly centralized, activist state. Standing in his way, however, was the South, with its independent states, its resistance to the national government, and its reliance on unfettered free trade. To accomplish his goals, Lincoln subverted the Constitution, trampled states' rights, and launched a devastating Civil War, whose wounds haunt us still. According to this provacative book, 600,000 American soldiers did not die for the honorable cause of ending slavery but for the dubious agenda of sacrificing the independence of the states to the supremacy of the federal government, which has been tightening its vise grip on our republic to this very day.

In The Real Lincoln, you will discover a side of Lincoln that you were probably never taught in school—a side that calls into question the very myths that surround him and helps explain the true origins of a bloody, and perhaps, unnecessary war.

Print length

384 pages
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English
Publisher

Forum Books
Publication date

December 2, 2003
Dimensions

5.52 x 0.86 x 8.2 inches
ISBN-10

0761526463
ISBN-13

978-0761526469
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Editorial Reviews

Review

"A devastating critique of America's most famous president."
—Joseph Sobran, commentator and nationally syndicated columnist

"Today's federal government is considerably at odds with that envisioned by the framers of the Constitution. Thomas J. DiLorenzo gives an account of how this came about in The Real Lincoln."
—Walter E. Williams, from the foreword

"A peacefully negotiated secession was the best way to handle all the problems facing America in 1860. A war of coercion was Lincoln's creation. It sometimes takes a century of more to bring an important historical event into perspective. This study does just that and leaves the reader asking, 'Why didn't we know this before?' "
—Donald Livingston, professor of philosophy, Emory University

"Professor DiLorenzo has penetrated to the very heart and core of American history with a laser beam of fact and analysis."
—Clyde Wilson, professor of history, University of South Carolina, and editor, The John C. Calhoun Papers

From the Inside Flap

A New Look at Abraham Lincoln, His Agenda, and an Unnecessary War
Most Americans consider Abraham Lincoln to be the greatest president in history. His legend as the Great Emancipator has grown to mythic proportions as hundreds of books, a national holiday, and a monument in Washington, D.C., extol his heroism and martyrdom. But what if most everything you knew about Lincoln were false? What if, instead of an American hero who sought to free the slaves, Lincoln were in fact a calculating politician who waged the bloodiest war in american history in order to build an empire that rivaled Great Britain's? In "The Real Lincoln, author Thomas J. DiLorenzo uncovers a side of Lincoln not told in many history books and overshadowed by the immense Lincoln legend.
Through extensive research and meticulous documentation, DiLorenzo portrays the sixteenth president as a man who devoted his political career to revolutionizing the American form of government from one that was very limited in scope and highly decentralized--as the Founding Fathers intended--to a highly centralized, activist state. Standing in his way, however, was the South, with its independent states, its resistance to the national government, and its reliance on unfettered free trade. To accomplish his goals, Lincoln subverted the Constitution, trampled states' rights, and launched a devastating Civil War, whose wounds haunt us still. According to this provacative book, 600,000 American soldiers did not die for the honorable cause of ending slavery but for the dubious agenda of sacrificing the independence of the states to the supremacy of the federal government, which has been tightening its vise grip on our republic to thisvery day.
You will discover a side of Lincoln that you were probably never taught in school--a side that calls into question the very myths that surround him and helps explain the true origins of a bloody, and perhaps, unnecessary war.
"A devastating critique of America's most famous president."
--Joseph Sobran, commentator and nationally syndicated columnist
"Today's federal government is considerably at odds with that envisioned by the framers of the Constitution. Thomas J. DiLorenzo gives an account of How this come about in The Real Lincoln."
--Walter E. Williams, from the foreword
"A peacefully negotiated secession was the best way to handle all the problems facing Americans in 1860. A war of coercion was Lincoln's creation. It sometimes takes a century or more to bring an important historical event into perspective. This study does just that and leaves the reader asking, 'Why didn't we know this before?'"
--Donald Livingston, professor of philosophy, Emory University
"Professor DiLorenzo has penetrated to the very heart and core of American history with a laser beam of fact and analysis."
--Clyde Wilson, professor of history, University of South Carolina, and editor, The John C. Calhoun Papers

"From the Hardcover edition.

From the Back Cover

"A devastating critique of America's most famous president."
—Joseph Sobran, commentator and nationally syndicated columnist

"Today's federal government is considerably at odds with that envisioned by the framers of the Constitution. Thomas J. DiLorenzo gives an account of how this came about in The Real Lincoln."
—Walter E. Williams, from the foreword

"A peacefully negotiated secession was the best way to handle all the problems facing America in 1860. A war of coercion was Lincoln's creation. It sometimes takes a century of more to bring an important historical event into perspective. This study does just that and leaves the reader asking, 'Why didn't we know this before?' "
—Donald Livingston, professor of philosophy, Emory University

"Professor DiLorenzo has penetrated to the very heart and core of American history with a laser beam of fact and analysis."
—Clyde Wilson, professor of history, University of South Carolina, and editor, The John C. Calhoun Papers

About the Author

Thomas J. DiLorenzo is a professor of economics in the Sellinger School of Business and Management at Loyola college in Maryland. Specializing in economic history and political economy, he is the author of several books and over 70 articles in academic journals, and he is also widely published in such popular outlets as the Wall Street Journal, Reader's Digest, USA Today, National Review, Barron's, and numerous other national publications. He lives in Clarksville, Maryland.

Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.

Introduction

Anyone who embarks on a study of Abraham Lincoln . . . must first come to terms with the Lincoln myth. The effort to penetrate the crust of legend that surrounds Lincoln . . . is both a formidable and intimidating task. Lincoln, it seems, requires special considerations that are denied to other figures. . . .
—Robert W. Johannsen, Lincoln, the South, and Slavery

More words have probably been written about Abraham Lincoln than about any other American political figure. According to one source, more than 16,000 books have been written on virtually every aspect of Lincoln's private and public life. But much of what has been written about Lincoln is myth, as Pulitzer Prize-winning Lincoln biographer David Donald noted in his 1961 book, Lincoln Reconsidered. Donald attempted to set at least part of the record straight; but, if anything, the literature on Lincoln has become even more dubious in the succeeding decades. Anyone who delves into this literature with an open mind and an interest in the truth cannot help but be struck by the fantastic lengths to which an entire industry of "Lincoln scholars" has gone to perpetuate countless myths and questionable interpretations of events. Many of these myths will be examined in this book.

In the eyes of many Americans, Lincoln remains the most important American political figure in history because the War between the States so fundamentally transformed the nature of American government. Before the war, government in America was the highly decentralized, limited government established by the founding fathers. The war created the highly centralized state that Americans labor under today. The purpose of American government was transformed from the defense of individual liberty to the quest for empire. As historian Richard Bensel has observed, any study of the origins of the American state should begin no earlier than 1865.

This aspect of the War between the States has always been downplayed or even ignored because of the emphasis that has been given to the important issue of slavery. Lincoln will forever be known as the Great Emancipator. But to understand the real Lincoln one must realize that during his twenty-eight years in politics before becoming president, he was almost single-mindedly devoted to an economic agenda that Henry Clay labeled "the American System." From the very first day in 1832 when he announced that he was running for the state legislature in Illinois, Lincoln expressed his devotion to the cause of protectionist tariffs, taxpayer subsidies for railroads and other corporations ("internal improvements"), and the nationalization of the money supply to help pay for the subsidies.

Lincoln labored mightily in the political trenches of the Whig and Republican parties for nearly three decades on behalf of this economic agenda, but with only minor success. The Constitution stood in the way of the Whig economic agenda as one American president after another vetoed internal improvement and national bank bills. Beginning with Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe, Southern statesmen were always in the forefront of the opposition to this economic agenda. According to Lincoln scholar Mark Neely, Jr., Lincoln seethed in frustration for many years over how the Constitution stood in the way of his political ambitions.

Lincoln thought of himself as the heir to the Hamiltonian political tradition, which sought a much more centralized governmental system, one that would plan economic development with corporate subsidies financed by protectionist tariffs and the printing of money by the central government. This agenda achieved little political success during the first seventy years of the nation's existence, but was fully implemented during the first two years of the Lincoln administration. It was Lincoln's real agenda.

Roy Basler, the editor of Lincoln's Collected Works, has written that Lincoln barely ever mentioned the issue of slavery before 1854, and, even then, he did not seem sincere.Chapter 2 explores the doubts that many others have also expressed about Lincoln's supposed commitment to racial equality. The average American--who has not spent much time reading Lincoln's speeches but who has learned about him through the filter of the "Lincoln scholars"--will be surprised or even shocked by some of his words and actions. He stated over and over again that he was opposed to political or social equality of the races; he was not an abolitionist but denigrated them and distanced himself from them; and his primary means of dealing with racial problems was to attempt to colonize all American blacks in Africa, Haiti, Central America--anywhere but in the United States.

Chapter 2 also shows the extent to which Lincoln's views on race were consistent with those of the overwhelming majority of white Northerners, who discriminated against free blacks so severely that several states, including Lincoln's home state of Illinois, amended their constitutions to prohibit the emigration of black people into those states. Such facts raise serious questions about the extent to which racial injustice in the South motivated Lincoln and the Republican Party to wage a long, bloody war.

Chapter 3 poses a key question that almost no one has addressed in much detail: Why didn't Lincoln do what much of the rest of the world did in the nineteenth century and end slavery peacefully through compensated emancipation? Between 1800 and 1860, dozens of countries, including the entire British Empire, ended slavery peacefully; only in the United States was a war involved. It is very likely that most Americans, if they had been given the opportunity, would have gladly supported compensated emancipation as a means of ending slavery, as opposed to the almost unimaginable costs of the war: 620,000 deaths, thousands more maimed for life, and the near total destruction of approximately 40 percent of the nation's economy. Standardizing for today's population of some 280 million (compared to 30 million in 1865), this would be roughly the equivalent of 5 million deaths—about a hundred times the number of Americans who died in Vietnam.

Chapter 4 outlines Lincoln's real agenda: Henry Clay's "American System." For his entire political life Lincoln was devoted to Clay and Clay's economic agenda. The debate over this economic agenda was arguably the most important political debate during the first seventy years of the nation's existence. It involved the nation's most prominent statesmen and pitted the states' rights Jeffersonians against the centralizing Hamiltonians (who became Whigs and, later, Republicans). The violence of war finally ended the debate in 1861.

Chapter 5 discusses the long history of the right of secession in America, beginning with the Declaration of Independence, which is properly viewed as a "Declaration of Secession" from England. The New England Federalists attempted for more than a decade to secede from the Union after Thomas Jefferson was elected president in 1800. Until 1861 most commentators, North and South, took it for granted that states had a right to secede. This doctrine was even taught to the cadets at West Point, including almost all of the top military commanders on both sides of the conflict during the War between the States.

Lincoln's insistence that no such right existed has no basis whatsoever in history or fact. He essentially invented a new theory--that the federal government created the states, which were therefore not sovereign--and waged the bloodiest war in world history up to that point to "prove" himself right.

Chapter 6 deals with the odd nature of the claim by so many Lincoln scholars that Lincoln "saved" the Constitution by suspending constitutional liberty in the North for the entire duration of his administration. He supposedly had to destroy constitutional liberty in order to save it. Quite a few Lincoln scholars have labeled Lincoln a "dictator" for launching a military invasion without the consent of Congress; suspending habeas corpus; imprisoning thousands of Northern citizens without trial for merely opposing his policies; censoring all telegraph communication and imprisoning dozens of opposition newspaper publishers; nationalizing the railroads; using Federal troops to interfere with elections; confiscating firearms; and deporting an opposition member of Congress, Clement L. Vallandigham, after he opposed Lincoln's income tax proposal during a Democratic Party rally in Ohio.

Even though many have labeled these acts as "dictatorial," they usually add that Lincoln was a "good" or "benevolent" dictator. In reality, these precedents did irreparable harm to constitutional liberty in America. Some writers, such as historian Garry Wills and Columbia University law professor George P. Fletcher, have voiced their approval of Lincoln's assault on constitutional liberty because they believe that the Constitution stands in the way of their cherished goal of "egalitarianism." They openly celebrate the fact that Lincoln led the way in subverting constitutional government in America.

In addition to abandoning the Constitution, the Lincoln administration established another ominous precedent by deciding to abandon international law and the accepted moral code of civilized societies and wage war on civilians. General William Tecumseh Sherman announced that to secessionists--all of them, women and children included-- "death is mercy." Chapter 7 details how Lincoln abandoned the generally accepted rules of war, which had just been codified by the Geneva Convention of 1863. Lincoln famously micromanaged the war effort, and the burning of entire Southern towns was an essential feature of his war strategy.

Lincoln's political legacy is explored in chapter 8 in the context of how, during Reconstruction (1865-1877), the Republican Party essentially plundered the South for twelve more years by instituting puppet governments that constantly raised taxes but provided very few public benefits. Much of the money was simply stolen by Republican Party activists and their business supporters. The adult male ex-slaves were immediately given the right to vote in the South (even though blacks could not vote in several Northern states), while most white male Southerners were disenfranchised. Former Union General and newspaper editor Donn Piatt, a close Lincoln confidant, expressed the opinion that using the ex-slaves as political pawns in such a corrupt way poisoned race relations in the South beyond repair at a time when racial reconciliation should have been the primary objective.

Lincoln's policy of crushing dissenters with overwhelming military might was continued after the war with the federal government's eradication of the Plains Indians by many of the same generals who had guided the North's war effort (particularly Grant, Sherman, and Sheridan). The stated purpose of this campaign against the Plains Indians was to make way for the government-subsidized transcontinental railroads. The quest for empire had become the primary goal of government in America.

Chapter 9 describes Lincoln's economic legacy: the realization of Henry Clay's American System. Many (primarily) Southern statesmen had opposed this system for decades because they viewed it as nothing more than the corrupt "mercantilist" system that prevailed in England during the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, and they wanted no part of it. Indeed, many of the original colonists fled to America to escape from that very system. So powerful was Southern opposition to the American System that the Confederate Constitution outlawed both protectionist tariffs and internal improvement subsidies altogether. Lincoln's war created the "military-industrial complex" some ninety years before President Eisenhower coined the phrase.

The notorious corruption of the Grant administrations was an inevitable consequence of Lincoln's success in imposing the "American System" on the nation during the war. The "Era of Good Stealings," as one historian described it, proved that the concerns of Southern statesmen, from Thomas Jefferson to Jefferson Davis, were well founded.

Chapter 10 explains how the death of federalism--the decentralized system of government that was established by the founding fathers--was perhaps the biggest cost of Lincoln's war. Although Lincoln is generally credited with having "saved the Union," in reality he destroyed the idea of the Union as a voluntary association of states by forcing the Southern states to remain in the Union at gunpoint. Lincoln can be said to have saved the Union only in a geographical sense.

It was not to end slavery that Lincoln initiated an invasion of the South. He stated over and over again that his main purpose was to "save the Union," which is another way of saying that he wanted to abolish states' rights once and for all. He could have ended slavery just as dozens of other countries in the world did during the first sixty years of the nineteenth century, through compensated emancipation, but he never seriously attempted to do so. A war was not necessary to free the slaves, but it was necessary to destroy the most significant check on the powers of the central government: the right of secession.

Product details

Publisher ‏ : ‎ Forum Books; Reprint edition (December 2, 2003)
Language ‏ : ‎ English
Paperback ‏ : ‎ 384 pages
ISBN-10 ‏ : ‎ 0761526463
ISBN-13 ‏ : ‎ 978-0761526469
Item Weight ‏ : ‎ 11 ounces
Dimensions ‏ : ‎ 5.52 x 0.86 x 8.2 inches

Best Sellers Rank: #70,377 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
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Thomas J. DiLorenzo is the author of The Real Lincoln and How Capitalism Saved America. A professor of economics at Loyola College in Maryland and a senior fellow at the Ludwig von Mises Institute, he has written for the Wall Street Journal, USA Today, the Washington Post, Reader's Digest, Barron's, and many other publications. He lives in Baltimore, Maryland.

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Black_Unicorn

A cold yet needed splash of reality.

Reviewed in the United States on December 7, 2012

Verified Purchase

There is no topic greater steeped in misleading half-truths and demagoguery than that of former president Abraham Lincoln's legacy. Perhaps the only thing that can be agreed to by all parties is that his presidency marked a radical shift in the ebb and flow of history, not only for America, but for most of Western Civilization. Where opinions diverge isn't really so much regarding the facts in question, as the arguments haven't changed much since the days of Lysander Spooner and Robert Louis Dabney, the two most noteworthy literary critics of Lincoln and his newly born Republican Party, each attacking the alleged saint/martyr from different ideological angles, but having largely the same general evidence for their critiques.

In light of all this, it is important to note that "The Real Lincoln", which is the first in a small series of books Thomas DiLorenzo has been putting out on the economic history of America, doesn't seek to unearth any grand new truth regarding the barbarism of the Civil War or the greed and corruption behind the economics of the Whig-turned Republican Party of the 19th century. Instead, DiLorenzo relies on existing and strongly visible sources, most of them contemporary champions of Lincoln, in order to present the factual data upon which his opinions are founded. It is important to note that there are a few minor historical errors (which have been blown way out of proportion by critics of this book and made to all but represent part of some grand conspiracy on the part of DiLorenzo to bring back slavery), all of which are thankfully rectified and addressed in the latest edition of the book.

The facts, contrary to popular opinion, are not on the side of the Lincoln admirers, though there has been no shortage of effort to make them so in spite of this. These disingenuous obfuscations are noted along with the sources they come from, and include such astounding ideas as Lincoln's abuse of the Northern Press and the jailing of political dissidents were simply the ingenious acts of a skilled politician or, better yet, a compelling use of dishonesty and deceit in the name of saving the nation. While R.L. Dabney lived through the atrocious abuses of the Union Army as the decimated entire cities south of the Mason-Dixon line, his own accounts were far more charitable than the factual bombardment that DiLorenzo rains down upon Lincoln and his cronies in the Union Army's upper echelon.

But perhaps even more compelling and innovative than the historical accounts of Lincoln's abuses of Federal power is the economic angle by which the author presents the less savory motives behind not only Lincoln's war of aggression, but also that of the entire early Republican Party platform with all its infatuation for corporate cronyism and state-sanctioned manipulation of the American marketplace. This is delved into in greater detail in DiLorenzo's follow up book "Lincoln Unmasked", also an enlightening read regarding the post-Lincoln America to the present and how Lincoln's ideology has impacted current matters of foreign policy. It all boils down to a single truth, which is that the only way to excuse the atrocities committed by Lincoln's government is by closing one's eyes and ears to the actual nature of what was done, and this book does well to illuminate how commonplace this is in the endless series of books deifying Lincoln, let alone the atrocious pieces of cinema that have followed suit.

This is an excellent introduction to a much more accurate view of Dishonest Abe, and presents it from the anti-slavery perspective of Lysander Spooner and other anti-war, anti-imperialist abolishionists, contrary to the claims of the frothing-at-the-mouth critics of this book who toss the word Neo-confederate around as if it were a proof-positive indictment of DiLorenzo's intent. It goes hand in hand with a lot of other books on the topic such as "Lincoln's Wrath", "A Defense Of Virginia And The South", and several other books that question the notion that America had to murder more than half a million of its own sons (not counting the non-military victims of the Union's scorched Earth policy in Georgia and elsewhere) in the name of ending an institution that the rest of the civilized world ended without shedding a drop of blood. This book weened me off of more than a decade of tall tales taught by the schools I attended in Pennsylvania regarding Lincoln's mythical sense of racial egalitarianism and his legendary crusade to save America from breaking off from D.C. as it did from England less than a century before.

This book should be taught in every classroom in America, and hopefully in time it will bring back that old Jeffersonian tradition of questioning the so-called divinity of centralized power.

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Daniel Greene

All Wars are Civil Wars

Reviewed in the United States on October 10, 2011

Verified Purchase

If history is mythology that claims to be factual, this work is Thomas DiLorenzo's deconstruction of the celebrated mythology of Abraham Lincoln utilizing libertarian historical exegesis to test the veracity of the claims. His goal is to make the case that many of the problems with our contemporary political system can be linked directly to Lincoln's actions; plus the Civil War (which DiLorenzo calls the `War Between the States'), was an unnecessary event, that was profoundly unconstitutional, generated far more misery and suffering than it claimed to circumvent, and it altered a nation by shrewdly placing it in benign bondage.

The story of the Civil War is often characterized as the unfortunate, eventual and unavoidable conflict between two divergent regions of the country that differed culturally and ideologically. But what DiLorenzo reminds us is that this was a war of choice. Whose choice? Abraham Lincoln. Therefore he is accountable for its results and consequences. Lincoln's war resulted in the deaths of 620,000 Americans wiping out innumerable towns, with untold thousands permanently maimed and made homeless. The Civil War remains the western hemisphere's bloodiest event. Considering the body count, if Lincoln's war were to take place today, it's doubtful his reputation would be as venerated it is. However, such actions can be justified, accepted and applauded if one can prove that there was a significant higher moral purpose that made the tremendous cost of death and suffering worth the sacrifice.

In the mythology of Lincoln there are two important justifications for the war: preserving the Constitution's mandate for a union; and the emancipation of four million slaves. Throughout most of his book, it is these two justifications that DiLorenzo assiduously dismantles with his analysis of the Constitution and the historical record. For example, he argues that the Declaration of Independence was also a declaration of seccession from England. The men who signed that document, who strongly believed in a system of checks and balances on central authority, would not in turn create a Constitution where states did not have the right to secede. However, Lincoln argued that the Constitution created the states therefore the states did not have the right to secede. Lincoln's logical gymnastics with the Constitution, according to DiLorenzo, has resulted in U.S. citizens presently living in a state of quasi-serfdom to the federal government. As for slavery, DiLorenzo cites numerous quotes from Lincoln where he states his goal for the war was strictly to preserve the union, not end slavery. Plus he provides examples of instances throughout Lincoln's career as a lawyer and his time as President where he had the opportunity to free slaves but chose not to. In addition, DiLorenzo points out that slavery ended peaceably throughout the British Empire, the Caribbean (except Haiti), and South America, yet it was only in the United States that emancipation resulted in the deaths of thousands. Furthermore, he argues that the war itself was conducted with such unmitigated ferocity that it violated terms of the Geneva Convention.

At a certain level DiLorenzo's claims are easily persuasive if we apply modern criteria and sensibilities that are used for scrutinizing Republican presidents. For example, hypothetically, let's say it's 2001 and New York State, displeased with the presidency of George Bush, decided through a statewide referendum to secede from the United States. In response Bush rejects all negotiations with the People's Republic of New York, suspends Habeas Corpus in the remaining 49 states throwing critics and dissenters of the Bush administration indefinitely in jail without trial, and sends the U.S. military to forcibly preserve the union. He is victorious but kills 20,000 New Yorkers (Americans) and wipes out Wall Street and the Hamptons in the process. How would world opinion, the New York Times, MSNBC, etc. interpret such actions? We wouldn't be surprised if Bush had difficulty with some of his generals, just as Lincoln did with General George McClellan who expressed his moral objections over the conduct of the war (and who also had the utmost respect and adoration of his soldiers).

This work is undoubtedly controversial, but its research and analysis are sensible, and arguments compelling. This work is also quite broad in its scope since it also covers Lincoln's ideological influences, as well as the attitudes of Northerners and Southerners in regards to politics, economics, and slavery. As we know, history is generally written with the bias of the victors, therefore even if you disagree with the premise of the work, this serves as a powerful perspective worth learning from an author whose school-of-thought views the historical record quite differently.

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BetterPromises

If you don't know what's in this book, you probably don't understand US history.

Reviewed in the United States on July 27, 2022

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I've never written an Amazon review of any book. I am 67, raised and educated in the northeast, have been a reader of US and Civil War history most of my life. Four years ago we moved to South Carolina and I began to look into the southern perspective on history.

It's been a habit all my life when traveling and relocating to try to learn how folks in the new area think and see things and it has been very interesting and instructive to do so- from Wales to Ohio Amish Country to the South Carolina Upstate.

This book has been an eye-opener for me. I've learned more about the history and economic history of our country from this book than all my other reading combined. The main concepts, all new to me, provide a framework for better understanding of today's political environment.

For those who may be committed to 21st century "progressive " perspectives this book will be a hard pill to swallow, but if you're willing to reassess everything you've been taught about the Civil War and its impact on our history it will be thought-provoking and rewarding.

Here you will find an antidote to the currently popular trend of oversimplification of historical events and persons- a perfect example of "a partial truth is an untruth."

The style is for the most part objective and avoids polemics. It is somewhat academic and well-documented, but the writing easy to follow and interesting. I also recommend the YouTube videos of the author speaking on various related topics- they are well worth the time and will give you a sense of his style of communication.

If you read one book about US history this year, make this it.

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Mr. Andrew Crabtree

Outstanding review that challenges widely held understanding of Lincoln.

Reviewed in the United Kingdom on May 12, 2014

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As Orwell made clear in 1984, history must be subverted in order to fit the current aims and goals of government. My Understanding of Lincoln was (as is taught to school children) that he went to war with his own country to solely free the slaves…….. Its only when you start to really look at a subject and do some research the myth starts to unravel. A wonderfully written book, with plenty of references to the numerous speeches and letters where Lincoln stated that he did not wish to grant freedom to the slaves or allow them access to the Northern states. A fascinating read….

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Dino

UN PADRE DELLA PATRIA ?

Reviewed in Italy on May 19, 2013

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In Italia, di solito, poco si conosce sulla figura storica di Abraham Lincoln, il presidente della Guerra civile. Ci si adagia per lo più di sui commenti degli storici statunitensi, che di solito esaltano la figura di Lincoln come quella di un padre della patria, di un martire e di un combattente della libertà. Per contrastare queste visioni agiografiche, utilissimo quindi questo agile volume, scritto in un buon inglese da uno storico del Maryland, che illustra con dovizia di riferimenti ciò che in realtà fu Lincoln, uomo molto ambizioso e che diede corpo ad una delle guerre più disastrose del genere umano (Un milione di vittime tra morti e feriti!). Lincoln diede un colpo di freno a tutte le voci critiche dellla Guerra civile, mediante la sistematica limitazione delle libertà fondamentali; anche la liberazione degli schiavi nel Sud fu più un espediente tattico, tardivamente introdotto, che un traguardo da tempo auspicato. In realtà, le cause prime della Guerra furono da ricercarsi nella politica protezionista degli stati del Nord, tale da strangolare il libero scambio degli stati del Sud.
In definitiva un libro interessante, anche se indubbiamente di parte, per chiunque si interessi di storia americana.

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Jean-Paul Azam

Une violence protectionniste

Reviewed in France on May 4, 2012

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Un ouvrage iconoclaste qui démonte le mythe d'un Lincoln idéaliste luttant contre l'esclavage. DiLorenzo montre comment la guerre de sécession américaine s'inscrit dans un projet des États nord-américains, visant à protéger leur industrie naissante par des droits de douane au détriment des États du sud, vivant des exportations agricoles et important beaucoup de produits bon marchés d'Europe. Lincoln utilise d'abord une émancipation partielle, concernant uniquement les États du sud qu'il ne contrôle pas, comme une arme de guerre. À plus long terme, son projet est de cantonner l'esclavage dans les États du sud, pour éviter la concurrence "déloyale" (à plus d'un titre selon moi) qu'il impose aux travailleurs blancs libres. Cette analyse, très bien documentée, avec beaucoup d'extraits de discours de Lincoln, montre à quelles extrémités certains groupes d'intérêt sont prêts à aller pour imposer des politiques économiques qui servent exclusivement leurs intérêts pécuniaires.

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Aussie Bruce

I love it when you come across a well written and ...

Reviewed in Australia on May 7, 2015

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I love it when you come across a well written and meticulously researched book on biography. It is even better when it is one that smashes a long standing myth. I could not recommend this work more highly.

Karl Skid Marks The First.

Nice one Tom keep up the good work.

Reviewed in the United Kingdom on August 1, 2016

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Nice one Tom keep up the good work. Suitable foil for the propaganda of Hollywood. Eye watering stuff.

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