The National Security Strategy-- 2006

ABLE OF

ONTENTS

Overview of America’s National Security Strategy ..........................................................1

II.

Champion Aspirations for Human Dignity........................................................................2

III.

Strengthen Alliances to Defeat Global Terrorism and Work to Prevent Attacks

Against Us and Our Friends...............................................................................................8

IV.

Work with Others to Defuse Regional Conflicts.............................................................14

Prevent Our Enemies from Threatening Us, Our Allies, and Our Friends with Weapons

of Mass Destruction.........................................................................................................18

VI.

Ignite a New Era of Global Economic Growth through Free Markets and Free Trade...25

VII. Expand the Circle of Development by Opening Societies and Building the Infrastructure

of Democracy...................................................................................................................31

VIII. Develop Agendas for Cooperative Action with the Other Main Centers of Global

Power ...............................................................................................................................35

IX.

Transform America’s National Security Institutions to Meet the Challenges and

Opportunities of the 21

Century.....................................................................................43

Engage the Opportunities and Confront the Challenges of Globalization.......................47

XI.

Conclusion .......................................................................................................................49

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Overview of America’s National Security Strategy

It is the policy of the United States to seek and support democratic movements and

institutions in every nation and culture, with the ultimate goal of ending tyranny in our

world. In the world today, the fundamental character of regimes matters as much as the

distribution of power among them. The goal of our statecraft is to help create a world of

democratic, well-governed states that can meet the needs of their citizens and conduct

themselves responsibly in the international system. This is the best way to provide

enduring security for the American people.

Achieving this goal is the work of generations. The United States is in the early years of

a long struggle, similar to what our country faced in the early years of the Cold War. The

century witnessed the triumph of freedom over the threats of fascism and

communism. Yet a new totalitarian ideology now threatens, an ideology grounded not in

secular philosophy but in the perversion of a proud religion. Its content may be different

from the ideologies of the last century, but its means are similar: intolerance, murder,

terror, enslavement, and repression.

Like those who came before us, we must lay the foundations and build the institutions

that our country needs to meet the challenges we face. The chapters that follow will

focus on several essential tasks. The United States must:

• Champion aspirations for human dignity;

• Strengthen alliances to defeat global terrorism and work to prevent attacks against us

and our friends;

• Work with others to defuse regional conflicts;

• Prevent our enemies from threatening us, our allies, and our friends with weapons of

mass destruction (WMD);

• Ignite a new era of global economic growth through free markets and free trade;

• Expand the circle of development by opening societies and building the infrastructure

of democracy;

• Develop agendas for cooperative action with other main centers of global power;

• Transform America’s national security institutions to meet the challenges and

opportunities of the 21

century; and

• Engage the opportunities and confront the challenges of globalization.

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II.

Champion Aspirations for Human Dignity

A. Summary of National Security Strategy 2002

The United States must defend liberty and justice because these principles are right and

true for all people everywhere. These nonnegotiable demands of human dignity are

protected most securely in democracies. The United States Government will work to

advance human dignity in word and deed, speaking out for freedom and against

violations of human rights and allocating appropriate resources to advance these ideals.

B. Successes and Challenges since 2002

Since 2002, the world has seen extraordinary progress in the expansion of freedom,

democracy, and human dignity:

• The peoples of Afghanistan and Iraq have replaced tyrannies with democracies.

• In Afghanistan, the tyranny of the Taliban has been replaced by a freely-elected

government; Afghans have written and ratified a constitution guaranteeing rights

and freedoms unprecedented in their history; and an elected legislature gives the

people a regular voice in their government.

• In Iraq, a tyrant has been toppled; over 8 million Iraqis voted in the nation’s first

free and fair election; a freely negotiated constitution was passed by a referendum

in which almost 10 million Iraqis participated; and, for the first time in their

history, nearly 12 million Iraqis have elected a permanent government under a

popularly determined constitution.

• The people of Lebanon have rejected the heavy hand of foreign rule. The people of

Egypt have experienced more open but still flawed elections. Saudi Arabia has taken

some preliminary steps to give its citizens more of a voice in their government.

Jordan has made progress in opening its political process. Kuwait and Morocco are

pursuing agendas of political reform.

• The “color revolutions” in Georgia, Ukraine, and Kyrgyzstan have brought new hope

for freedom across the Eurasian landmass.

• Democracy has made further advances in Africa, Latin America, and Asia, with

peaceful transfers of power; growth in independent judiciaries and the rule of law;

improved election practices; and expanding political and economic rights.

The human desire for freedom is universal, but the growth of freedom is not inevitable.

Without support from free nations, freedom’s spread could be hampered by the

challenges we face:

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• Many governments are at fragile stages of political development and need to

consolidate democratic institutions – and leaders that have won democratic elections

need to uphold the principles of democracy;

• Some governments have regressed, eroding the democratic freedoms their peoples

enjoy;

• Some governments have not delivered the benefits of effective democracy and

prosperity to their citizens, leaving them susceptible to or taken over by demagogues

peddling an anti-free market authoritarianism;

• Some regimes seek to separate economic liberty from political liberty, pursuing

prosperity while denying their people basic rights and freedoms; and

• Tyranny persists in its harshest form in a number of nations.

C. The Way Ahead

The United States has long championed freedom because doing so reflects our values and

advances our interests. It reflects our values because we believe the desire for freedom

lives in every human heart and the imperative of human dignity transcends all nations and

cultures.

Championing freedom advances our interests because the survival of liberty at home

increasingly depends on the success of liberty abroad. Governments that honor their

citizens’ dignity and desire for freedom tend to uphold responsible conduct toward other

nations, while governments that brutalize their people also threaten the peace and

stability of other nations. Because democracies are the most responsible members of the

international system, promoting democracy is the most effective long-term measure for

strengthening international stability; reducing regional conflicts; countering terrorism and

terror-supporting extremism; and extending peace and prosperity.

To protect our Nation and honor our values, the United States seeks to extend freedom

across the globe by leading an international effort to end tyranny and to promote effective

democracy.

1. Explaining the Goal: Ending Tyranny

Tyranny is the combination of brutality, poverty, instability, corruption, and suffering,

forged under the rule of despots and despotic systems. People living in nations such as

the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK), Iran, Syria, Cuba, Belarus, Burma,

and Zimbabwe know firsthand the meaning of tyranny; it is the bleak reality they endure

every day. And the nations they border know the consequences of tyranny as well, for

the misrule of tyrants at home leads to instability abroad. All tyrannies threaten the

world’s interest in freedom’s expansion, and some tyrannies, in their pursuit of WMD or

sponsorship of terrorism, threaten our immediate security interests as well.

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Tyranny is not inevitable, and recent history reveals the arc of the tyrant’s fate. The 20

century has been called the “Democracy Century,” as tyrannies fell one by one and

democracies rose in their stead. At mid-century about two dozen of the world’s

governments were democratic; 50 years later this number was over 120. The democratic

revolution has embraced all cultures and all continents.

Though tyranny has few advocates, it needs more adversaries. In today’s world, no

tyrant’s rule can survive without the support or at least the tolerance of other nations. To

end tyranny we must summon the collective outrage of the free world against the

oppression, abuse, and impoverishment that tyrannical regimes inflict on their people –

and summon their collective action against the dangers tyrants pose to the security of the

world.

An end to tyranny will not mark an end to all global ills. Disputes, disease, disorder,

poverty, and injustice will outlast tyranny, confronting democracies long after the last

tyrant has fallen. Yet tyranny must not be tolerated – it is a crime of man, not a fact of

nature.

2. Explaining the Goal: Promoting Effective Democracies

As tyrannies give way, we must help newly free nations build effective democracies:

states that are respectful of human dignity, accountable to their citizens, and responsible

towards their neighbors. Effective democracies:

• Honor and uphold basic human rights, including freedom of religion, conscience,

speech, assembly, association, and press;

• Are responsive to their citizens, submitting to the will of the people, especially when

people vote to change their government;

• Exercise effective sovereignty and maintain order within their own borders, protect

independent and impartial systems of justice, punish crime, embrace the rule of law,

and resist corruption; and

• Limit the reach of government, protecting the institutions of civil society, including

the family, religious communities, voluntary associations, private property,

independent business, and a market economy.

In effective democracies, freedom is indivisible. Political, religious, and economic

liberty advance together and reinforce each other. Some regimes have opened their

economies while trying to restrict political or religious freedoms. This will not work.

Over time, as people gain control over their economic lives, they will insist on more

control over their political and personal lives as well. Yet political progress can be

jeopardized if economic progress does not keep pace. We will harness the tools of

economic assistance, development aid, trade, and good governance to help ensure that

new democracies are not burdened with economic stagnation or endemic corruption.

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Elections are the most visible sign of a free society and can play a critical role in

advancing effective democracy. But elections alone are not enough – they must be

reinforced by other values, rights, and institutions to bring about lasting freedom. Our

goal is human liberty protected by democratic institutions.

Participation in elections by individuals or parties must include their commitment to the

equality of all citizens; minority rights; civil liberties; voluntary and peaceful transfer of

power; and the peaceful resolution of differences. Effective democracy also requires

institutions that can protect individual liberty and ensure that the government is

responsive and accountable to its citizens. There must be an independent media to

inform the public and facilitate the free exchange of ideas. There must be political

associations and political parties that can freely compete. Rule of law must be reinforced

by an independent judiciary, a professional legal establishment, and an honest and

competent police force.

These principles are tested by the victory of Hamas candidates in the recent elections in

the Palestinian territories. The Palestinian people voted in a process that was free, fair,

and inclusive.

The Palestinian people having made their choice at the polls, the burden now shifts to

those whom they have elected to take the steps necessary to advance peace, prosperity,

and statehood for the Palestinian people. Hamas has been designated as a terrorist

organization by the United States and European Union (EU) because it has embraced

terrorism and deliberately killed innocent civilians. The international community has

made clear that there is a fundamental contradiction between armed group and militia

activities and the building of a democratic state. The international community has also

made clear that a two-state solution to the conflict requires all participants in the

democratic process to renounce violence and terror, accept Israel’s right to exist, and

disarm as outlined in the Roadmap. These requirements are clear, firm, and of long

standing. The opportunity for peace and statehood – a consistent goal of this

Administration – is open if Hamas will abandon its terrorist roots and change its

relationship with Israel.

The elected Hamas representatives also have an opportunity and a responsibility to

uphold the principles of democratic government, including protection of minority rights

and basic freedoms and a commitment to a recurring, free, and fair electoral process. By

respecting these principles, the new Palestinian leaders can demonstrate their own

commitment to freedom and help bring a lasting democracy to the Palestinian territories.

But any elected government that refuses to honor these principles cannot be considered

fully democratic, however it may have taken office.

3. How We Will Advance Freedom: Principled in Goals and Pragmatic in Means

We have a responsibility to promote human freedom. Yet freedom cannot be imposed; it

must be chosen. The form that freedom and democracy take in any land will reflect the

history, culture, and habits unique to its people.

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The United States will stand with and support advocates of freedom in every land.

Though our principles are consistent, our tactics will vary. They will reflect, in part,

where each government is on the path from tyranny to democracy. In some cases, we

will take vocal and visible steps on behalf of immediate change. In other cases, we will

lend more quiet support to lay the foundation for future reforms. As we consider which

approaches to take, we will be guided by what will most effectively advance freedom’s

cause while we balance other interests that are also vital to the security and well-being of

the American people.

In the cause of ending tyranny and promoting effective democracy, we will employ the

full array of political, economic, diplomatic, and other tools at our disposal, including:

• Speaking out against abuses of human rights;

• Supporting publicly democratic reformers in repressive nations, including by holding

high-level meetings with them at the White House, Department of State, and U.S.

Embassies;

• Using foreign assistance to support the development of free and fair elections, rule of

law, civil society, human rights, women’s rights, free media, and religious freedom;

• Tailoring assistance and training of military forces to support civilian control of the

military and military respect for human rights in a democratic society;

• Applying sanctions that designed to target those who rule oppressive regimes while

sparing the people;

• Encouraging other nations not to support oppressive regimes;

• Partnering with other democratic nations to promote freedom, democracy, and human

rights in specific countries and regions;

• Strengthening and building new initiatives such as the Broader Middle East and North

Africa Initiative’s Foundation for the Future, the Community of Democracies, and the

United Nations Democracy Fund;

• Forming creative partnerships with nongovernmental organizations and other civil

society voices to support and reinforce their work;

• Working with existing international institutions such as the United Nations and

regional organizations such as the Organization for Security and Cooperation in

Europe, the African Union (AU), and the Organization of American States (OAS) to

help implement their democratic commitments, and helping establish democracy

charters in regions that lack them;

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• Supporting condemnation in multilateral institutions of egregious violations of human

rights and freedoms;

• Encouraging foreign direct investment in and foreign assistance to countries where

there is a commitment to the rule of law, fighting corruption, and democratic

accountability; and

• Concluding free trade agreements (FTAs) that encourage countries to enhance the

rule of law, fight corruption, and further democratic accountability.

These tools must be used vigorously to protect the freedoms that face particular peril

around the world: religious freedom, women’s rights, and freedom for men, women, and

children caught in the cruel network of human trafficking.

• Against a terrorist enemy that is defined by religious intolerance, we defend the First

Freedom: the right of people to believe and worship according to the dictates of their

own conscience, free from the coercion of the state, the coercion of the majority, or

the coercion of a minority that wants to dictate what others must believe.

• No nation can be free if half its population is oppressed and denied fundamental

rights. We affirm the inherent dignity and worth of women, and support vigorously

their full participation in all aspects of society.

• Trafficking in persons is a form of modern-day slavery, and we strive for its total

abolition. Future generations will not excuse those who turn a blind eye to it.

Our commitment to the promotion of freedom is a commitment to walk alongside

governments and their people as they make the difficult transition to effective

democracies. We will not abandon them before the transition is secure because immature

democracies can be prone to conflict and vulnerable to exploitation by terrorists. We will

not let the challenges of democratic transitions frighten us into clinging to the illusory

stability of the authoritarian.

America’s closest alliances and friendships are with countries with whom we share

common values and principles. The more countries demonstrate that they treat their own

citizens with respect and are committed to democratic principles, the closer and stronger

their relationship with America is likely to be.

The United States will lead and calls on other nations to join us in a common

international effort. All free nations have a responsibility to stand together for freedom

because all free nations share an interest in freedom’s advance.

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III.

Strengthen Alliances to Defeat Global Terrorism and Work to Prevent Attacks

Against Us and Our Friends

A. Summary of National Security Strategy 2002

Defeating terrorism requires a long-term strategy and a break with old patterns. We are

fighting a new enemy with global reach. The United States can no longer simply rely on

deterrence to keep the terrorists at bay or defensive measures to thwart them at the last

moment. The fight must be taken to the enemy, to keep them on the run. To succeed in

our own efforts, we need the support and concerted action of friends and allies. We must

join with others to deny the terrorists what they need to survive: safe haven, financial

support, and the support and protection that certain nation-states historically have given

them.

B. Current Context: Successes and Challenges

The war against terror is not over. America is safer, but not yet safe. As the enemy

adjusts to our successes, so too must we adjust. The successes are many:

• Al-Qaida has lost its safe haven in Afghanistan.

• A multinational coalition joined by the Iraqis is aggressively prosecuting the war

against the terrorists in Iraq.

• The al-Qaida network has been significantly degraded. Most of those in the al-Qaida

network responsible for the September 11 attacks, including the plot’s mastermind

Khalid Shaykh Muhammad, have been captured or killed.

• There is a broad and growing global consensus that the deliberate killing of innocents

is never justified by any calling or cause.

• Many nations have rallied to fight terrorism, with unprecedented cooperation on law

enforcement, intelligence, military, and diplomatic activity.

• Numerous countries that were part of the problem before September 11 are now

increasingly becoming part of the solution – and this transformation has occurred

without destabilizing friendly regimes in key regions.

• The Administration has worked with Congress to adopt and implement key reforms

like the Patriot Act which promote our security while also protecting our fundamental

liberties.

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The enemy is determined, however, and we face some old and new challenges:

• Terrorist networks today are more dispersed and less centralized. They are more

reliant on smaller cells inspired by a common ideology and less directed by a central

command structure.

• While the United States Government and its allies have thwarted many attacks, we

have not been able to stop them all. The terrorists have struck in many places,

including Afghanistan, Egypt, Indonesia, Iraq, Israel, Jordan, Morocco, Pakistan,

Russia, Saudi Arabia, Spain, and the United Kingdom. And they continue to seek

WMD in order to inflict even more catastrophic attacks on us and our friends and

allies.

• The ongoing fight in Iraq has been twisted by terrorist propaganda as a rallying cry.

• Some states, such as Syria and Iran, continue to harbor terrorists at home and sponsor

terrorist activity abroad.

C. The Way Ahead

From the beginning, the War on Terror has been both a battle of arms and a battle of

ideas – a fight against the terrorists and against their murderous ideology. In the short

run, the fight involves using military force and other instruments of national power to kill

or capture the terrorists, deny them safe haven or control of any nation; prevent them

from gaining access to WMD; and cut off their sources of support. In the long run,

winning the war on terror means winning the battle of ideas, for it is ideas that can turn

the disenchanted into murderers willing to kill innocent victims.

While the War on Terror is a battle of ideas, it is not a battle of religions. The

transnational terrorists confronting us today exploit the proud religion of Islam to serve a

violent political vision: the establishment, by terrorism and subversion, of a totalitarian

empire that denies all political and religious freedom. These terrorists distort the idea of

jihad into a call for murder against those they regard as apostates or unbelievers –

including Christians, Jews, Hindus, other religious traditions, and all Muslims who

disagree with them. Indeed, most of the terrorist attacks since September 11 have

occurred in Muslim countries – and most of the victims have been Muslims.

To wage this battle of ideas effectively, we must be clear-eyed about what does and does

not give rise to terrorism:

• Terrorism is not the inevitable by-product of poverty. Many of the September 11

hijackers were from middle-class backgrounds, and many terrorist leaders, like bin

Laden, are from privileged upbringings.

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• Terrorism is not simply a result of hostility to U.S. policy in Iraq. The United States

was attacked on September 11 and earlier, well before we toppled the Saddam Hussein

regime. Moreover, countries that stayed out of the Iraq war have not been spared from

terror attack.

• Terrorism is not simply a result of Israeli-Palestinian issues. Al-Qaida plotting for the

September 11 attacks began in the 1990s, during an active period in the peace process.

• Terrorism is not simply a response to our efforts to prevent terror attacks. The al-

Qaida network targeted the United States long before the United States targeted al-

Qaida. Indeed, the terrorists are emboldened more by perceptions of weakness than by

demonstrations of resolve. Terrorists lure recruits by telling them that we are decadent

and easily intimidated and will retreat if attacked.

The terrorism we confront today springs from:

• Political alienation. Transnational terrorists are recruited from people who have no

voice in their own government and see no legitimate way to promote change in their

own country. Without a stake in the existing order, they are vulnerable to

manipulation by those who advocate a perverse vision based on violence and

destruction.

• Grievances that can be blamed on others. The failures the terrorists feel and see are

blamed on others, and on perceived injustices from the recent or sometimes distant

past. The terrorists’ rhetoric keeps wounds associated with this past fresh and raw, a

potent motivation for revenge and terror.

• Sub-cultures of conspiracy and misinformation. Terrorists recruit more effectively

from populations whose information about the world is contaminated by falsehoods

and corrupted by conspiracy theories. The distortions keep alive grievances and filter

out facts that would challenge popular prejudices and self-serving propaganda.

• An ideology that justifies murder. Terrorism ultimately depends upon the appeal of

an ideology that excuses or even glorifies the deliberate killing of innocents. A proud

religion – the religion of Islam – has been twisted and made to serve an evil end, as in

other times and places other religions have been similarly abused.

Defeating terrorism in the long run requires that each of these factors be addressed. The

genius of democracy is that it provides a counter to each.

• In place of alienation, democracy offers an ownership stake in society, a chance to

shape one’s own future.

• In place of festering grievances, democracy offers the rule of law, the peaceful

resolution of disputes, and the habits of advancing interests through compromise.

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• In place of a culture of conspiracy and misinformation, democracy offers freedom of

speech, independent media, and the marketplace of ideas, which can expose and

discredit falsehoods, prejudices, and dishonest propaganda.

• In place of an ideology that justifies murder, democracy offers a respect for human

dignity that abhors the deliberate targeting of innocent civilians.

Democracy is the opposite of terrorist tyranny, which is why the terrorists denounce it

and are willing to kill the innocent to stop it. Democracy is based on empowerment,

while the terrorists’ ideology is based on enslavement. Democracies expand the freedom

of their citizens, while the terrorists seek to impose a single set of narrow beliefs.

Democracy sees individuals as equal in worth and dignity, having an inherent potential to

create and to govern themselves. The terrorists see individuals as objects to be exploited,

and then to be ruled and oppressed.

Democracies are not immune to terrorism. In some democracies, some ethnic or

religious groups are unable or unwilling to grasp the benefits of freedom otherwise

available in the society. Such groups can evidence the same alienation and despair that

the transnational terrorists exploit in undemocratic states. This accounts for the

emergence in democratic societies of homegrown terrorists such as were responsible for

the bombings in London in July 2005 and for the violence in some other nations. Even in

these cases, the long-term solution remains deepening the reach of democracy so that all

citizens enjoy its benefits.

The strategy to counter the lies behind the terrorists’ ideology is to empower the very

people the terrorists most want to exploit: the faithful followers of Islam. We will

continue to support political reforms that empower peaceful Muslims to practice and

interpret their faith. The most vital work will be done within the Islamic world itself, and

Jordan, Morocco, and Indonesia have begun to make important strides in this effort.

Responsible Islamic leaders need to denounce an ideology that distorts and exploits Islam

for destructive ends and defiles a proud religion.

Many of the Muslim faith are already making this commitment at great personal risk.

They realize they are a target of this ideology of terror. Everywhere we have joined in

the fight against terrorism, Muslim allies have stood beside us, becoming partners in this

vital cause. Pakistan and Saudi Arabia have launched effective efforts to capture or kill

the leadership of the al-Qaida network. Afghan troops are in combat against Taliban

remnants. Iraqi soldiers are sacrificing to defeat al-Qaida in their own country. These

brave citizens know the stakes – the survival of their own liberty, the future of their own

region, the justice and humanity of their own traditions – and the United States is proud

to stand beside them.

The advance of freedom and human dignity through democracy is the long-term solution

to the transnational terrorism of today. To create the space and time for that long-term

solution to take root, there are four steps we will take in the short term.

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• Prevent attacks by terrorist networks before they occur. A government has no higher

obligation than to protect the lives and livelihoods of its citizens. The hard core of the

terrorists cannot be deterred or reformed; they must be tracked down, killed, or captured.

They must be cut off from the network of individuals and institutions on which they

depend for support. That network must in turn be deterred, disrupted, and disabled by

using a broad range of tools.

• Deny WMD to rogue states and to terrorist allies who would use them without

hesitation. Terrorists have a perverse moral code that glorifies deliberately targeting

innocent civilians. Terrorists try to inflict as many casualties as possible and seek WMD

to this end. Denying terrorists WMD will require new tools and new international

approaches. We are working with partner nations to improve security at vulnerable

nuclear sites worldwide and bolster the ability of states to detect, disrupt, and respond to

terrorist activity involving WMD.

• Deny terrorist groups the support and sanctuary of rogue states. The United States

and its allies in the War on Terror make no distinction between those who commit acts of

terror and those who support and harbor them, because they are equally guilty of murder.

Any government that chooses to be an ally of terror, such as Syria or Iran, has chosen to

be an enemy of freedom, justice, and peace. The world must hold those regimes to

account.

• Deny the terrorists control of any nation that they would use as a base and

launching pad for terror. The terrorists’ goal is to overthrow a rising democracy; claim

a strategic country as a haven for terror; destabilize the Middle East; and strike America

and other free nations with ever-increasing violence. This we can never allow. This is

why success in Afghanistan and Iraq is vital, and why we must prevent terrorists from

exploiting ungoverned areas.

America will lead in this fight, and we will continue to partner with allies and will recruit

new friends to join the battle.

Afghanistan and Iraq: The Front Lines in the War on Terror

Winning the War on Terror requires winning the battles in Afghanistan and Iraq.

In Afghanistan, the successes already won must be consolidated. A few years ago, Afghanistan

was condemned to a pre-modern nightmare. Now it has held two successful free elections and is

a staunch ally in the war on terror. Much work remains, however, and the Afghan people

deserve the support of the United States and the entire international community.

The terrorists today see Iraq as the central front of their fight against the United States. They

want to defeat America in Iraq and force us to abandon our allies before a stable democratic

government has been established that can provide for its own security. The terrorists believe

they would then have proven that the United States is a waning power and an unreliable friend.

In the chaos of a broken Iraq the terrorists believe they would be able to establish a safe haven

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like they had in Afghanistan, only this time in the heart of a geopolitically vital region.

Surrendering to the terrorists would likewise hand them a powerful recruiting tool: the

perception that they are the vanguard of history.

When the Iraqi Government, supported by the Coalition, defeats the terrorists, terrorism will be

dealt a critical blow. We will have broken one of al-Qaida’s most formidable factions – the

network headed by Zarqawi – and denied him the safe haven he seeks in Iraq. And the success

of democracy in Iraq will be a launching pad for freedom’s success throughout a region that for

decades has been a source of instability and stagnation.

The Administration has explained in some detail the strategy for helping the Iraqi people defeat

the terrorists and neutralize the insurgency in Iraq. This requires supporting the Iraqi people in

integrating activity along three broad tracks:

Political: Work with Iraqis to:

• Isolate hardened enemy elements who are unwilling to accept a peaceful political process;

• Engage those outside the political process who are willing to turn away from violence and

invite them into that process; and

• Build stable, pluralistic, and effective national institutions that can protect the interests of all

Iraqis.

Security: Work with Iraqi Security Forces to:

• Clear areas of enemy control by remaining on the offensive, killing and capturing enemy

fighters, and denying them safe haven;

• Hold areas freed from enemy control with an adequate Iraqi security force presence that

ensures these areas remain under the control of a peaceful Iraqi Government; and

• Build Iraqi Security Forces and the capacity of local institutions to deliver services, advance

the rule of law, and nurture civil society.

Economic: Work with the Iraqi Government to:

• Restore Iraq’s neglected infrastructure so that Iraqis can meet increasing demand and the

needs of a growing economy;

• Reform Iraq’s economy so that it can be self-sustaining based on market principles; and

• Build the capacity of Iraqi institutions to maintain their infrastructure, rejoin the international

economic community, and improve the general welfare and prosperity of all Iraqis.

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IV.

Work with Others to Defuse Regional Conflicts

A. Summary of National Security Strategy 2002

Regional conflicts are a bitter legacy from previous decades that continue to affect our

national security interests today. Regional conflicts do not stay isolated for long and

often spread or devolve into humanitarian tragedy or anarchy. Outside parties can exploit

them to further other ends, much as al-Qaida exploited the civil war in Afghanistan. This

means that even if the United States does not have a direct stake in a particular conflict,

our interests are likely to be affected over time. Outsiders generally cannot impose

solutions on parties that are not ready to embrace them, but outsiders can sometimes help

create the conditions under which the parties themselves can take effective action.

B. Current Context: Successes and Challenges

The world has seen remarkable progress on a number of the most difficult regional

conflicts that destroyed millions of lives over decades.

• In Sudan, the United States led international negotiations that peacefully resolved the

20-year conflict between the Government of Sudan and the Sudanese Peoples

Liberation Movement.

• In Liberia, the United States led international efforts to restore peace and bolster

stability after vicious internal conflict.

• Israeli forces have withdrawn from the Gaza Strip and the northern West Bank,

creating the prospect for transforming Israeli-Palestinian relations and underscoring

the need for the Palestinian Authority to stand up an effective, responsible

government.

• Relations between India and Pakistan have improved, with an exchange of high-level

visits and a new spirit of cooperation in the dispute over Kashmir – a cooperation

made more tangible by humanitarian actions undertaken following a destructive

earthquake.

• The cooperative approach to the relief effort following the tsunami that hit Indonesia

resulted in political shifts that helped make possible a peaceful settlement in the bitter

separatist conflict in Aceh.

• In Northern Ireland, the implementation of key parts of the Good Friday Agreement,

including the decommissioning of weapons, marked a substantial milestone in ending

that long-standing civil conflict.

Numerous remaining regional challenges demand the world’s attention:

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• In Darfur, the people of an impoverished region are the victims of genocide arising

from a civil war that pits a murderous militia, backed by the Sudanese Government,

against a collection of rebel groups.

• In Colombia, a democratic ally is fighting the persistent assaults of Marxist terrorists

and drug-traffickers.

• In Venezuela, a demagogue awash in oil money is undermining democracy and

seeking to destabilize the region.

• In Cuba, an anti-American dictator continues to oppress his people and seeks to

subvert freedom in the region.

• In Uganda, a barbaric rebel cult – the Lord’s Resistance Army – is exploiting a

regional conflict and terrorizing a vulnerable population.

• In Ethiopia and Eritrea, a festering border dispute threatens to erupt yet again into

open war.

• In Nepal, a vicious Maoist insurgency continues to terrorize the population while the

government retreats from democracy.

C. The Way Ahead

Regional conflicts can arise from a wide variety of causes, including poor governance,

external aggression, competing claims, internal revolt, tribal rivalries, and ethnic or

religious hatreds. If left unaddressed, however, these different causes lead to the same

ends: failed states, humanitarian disasters, and ungoverned areas that can become safe

havens for terrorists.

The Administration’s strategy for addressing regional conflicts includes three levels of

engagement: conflict prevention and resolution; conflict intervention; and post-conflict

stabilization and reconstruction.

Effective international cooperation on these efforts is dependent on capable partners. To

this end, Congress has enacted new authorities that will permit the United States to train

and equip our foreign partners in a more timely and effective manner. Working with

Congress, we will continue to pursue foreign assistance reforms that allow the President

to draw on the skills of agencies across the United States Government.

1. Conflict Prevention and Resolution

The most effective long-term measure for conflict prevention and resolution is the

promotion of democracy. Effective democracies may still have disputes, but they are

equipped to resolve their differences peacefully, either bilaterally or by working with

other regional states or international institutions.

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In the short term, however, a timely offer by free nations of “good offices” or outside

assistance can sometimes prevent conflict or help resolve conflict once started. Such

early measures can prevent problems from becoming crises and crises from becoming

wars. The United States is ready to play this role when appropriate. Even with outside

help, however, there is no substitute for bold and effective local leadership.

Progress in the short term may also depend upon the stances of key regional actors. The

most effective way to address a problem within one country may be by addressing the

wider regional context. This regional approach has particular application to Israeli-

Palestinian issues, the conflicts in the Great Lakes region of Africa, and the conflict

within Nepal.

2. Conflict Intervention

Some conflicts pose such a grave threat to our broader interests and values that conflict

intervention may be needed to restore peace and stability. Recent experience has

underscored that the international community does not have enough high-quality military

forces trained and capable of performing these peace operations. The Administration has

recognized this need and is working with the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO)

to improve the capacity of states to intervene in conflict situations. We launched the

Global Peace Operations Initiative at the 2004 G-8 Summit to train peacekeepers for duty

in Africa. We are also supporting United Nations (U.N.) reform to improve its ability to

carry out peacekeeping missions with enhanced accountability, oversight, and results-

based management practices.

3. Post-Conflict Stabilization and Reconstruction

Once peace has been restored, the hard work of post-conflict stabilization and

reconstruction must begin. Military involvement may be necessary to stop a bloody

conflict, but peace and stability will last only if follow-on efforts to restore order and

rebuild are successful. The world has found through bitter experience that success often

depends on the early establishment of strong local institutions such as effective police

forces and a functioning justice and penal system. This governance capacity is critical to

establishing the rule of law and a free market economy, which provide long-term stability

and prosperity.

To develop these capabilities, the Administration established a new office in the

Department of State, the Office of the Coordinator for Reconstruction and Stabilization,

to plan and execute civilian stabilization and reconstruction efforts. The office draws on

all agencies of the government and integrates its activities with our military’s efforts.

The office will also coordinate United States Government efforts with other governments

building similar capabilities (such as the United Kingdom, Canada, the EU, and others),

as well as with new international efforts such as the U.N. Peacebuilding Commission.

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4. Genocide

Patient efforts to end conflicts should not be mistaken for tolerance of the intolerable.

Genocide is the intent to destroy in whole or in part a national, ethnic, racial, or religious

group. The world needs to start honoring a principle that many believe has lost its force

in parts of the international community in recent years: genocide must not be tolerated.

It is a moral imperative that states take action to prevent and punish genocide. History

teaches that sometimes other states will not act unless America does its part. We must

refine United States Government efforts – economic, diplomatic, and law-enforcement –

so that they target those individuals responsible for genocide and not the innocent citizens

they rule. Where perpetrators of mass killing defy all attempts at peaceful intervention,

armed intervention may be required, preferably by the forces of several nations working

together under appropriate regional or international auspices.

We must not allow the legal debate over the technical definition of “genocide” to excuse

inaction. The world must act in cases of mass atrocities and mass killing that will

eventually lead to genocide even if the local parties are not prepared for peace.

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Prevent Our Enemies from Threatening Us, Our Allies, and Our Friends with

Weapons of Mass Destruction

A. Summary of National Security Strategy 2002

The security environment confronting the United States today is radically different from

what we have faced before. Yet the first duty of the United States Government remains

what it always has been: to protect the American people and American interests. It is an

enduring American principle that this duty obligates the government to anticipate and

counter threats, using all elements of national power, before the threats can do grave

damage. The greater the threat, the greater is the risk of inaction – and the more

compelling the case for taking anticipatory action to defend ourselves, even if uncertainty

remains as to the time and place of the enemy’s attack. There are few greater threats than

a terrorist attack with WMD.

To forestall or prevent such hostile acts by our adversaries, the United States will, if

necessary, act preemptively in exercising our inherent right of self-defense. The United

States will not resort to force in all cases to preempt emerging threats. Our preference is

that nonmilitary actions succeed. And no country should ever use preemption as a

pretext for aggression.

Countering proliferation of WMD requires a comprehensive strategy involving

strengthened nonproliferation efforts to deny these weapons of terror and related

expertise to those seeking them; proactive counterproliferation efforts to defend against

and defeat WMD and missile threats before they are unleashed; and improved protection

to mitigate the consequences of WMD use. We aim to convince our adversaries that they

cannot achieve their goals with WMD, and thus deter and dissuade them from attempting

to use or even acquire these weapons in the first place.

B. Current Context: Successes and Challenges

We have worked hard to protect our citizens and our security. The United States has

worked extensively with the international community and key partners to achieve

common objectives.

• The United States has begun fielding ballistic missile defenses to deter and protect the

United States from missile attacks by rogue states armed with WMD. The fielding of

such missile defenses was made possible by the United States’ withdrawal from the

1972 Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty, which was done in accordance with the treaty’s

provisions.

• In May 2003, the Administration launched the Proliferation Security Initiative (PSI),

a global effort that aims to stop shipments of WMD, their delivery systems, and

related material. More than 70 countries have expressed support for this initiative,

and it has enjoyed several successes in impeding WMD trafficking.

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• United States leadership in extensive law enforcement and intelligence cooperation

involving several countries led to the roll-up of the A.Q. Khan nuclear network.

• Libya voluntarily agreed to eliminate its WMD programs shortly after a PSI

interdiction of a shipment of nuclear-related material from the A.Q. Khan network to

Libya.

• The United States led in securing passage in April 2004 of United Nations Security

Council (UNSC) Resolution 1540, requiring nations to criminalize WMD

proliferation and institute effective export and financial controls.

• We have led the effort to strengthen the ability of the International Atomic Energy

Agency (IAEA) to detect and respond to nuclear proliferation.

• The Administration has established a new comprehensive framework, Biodefense for

the 21

Century, incorporating innovative initiatives to protect the United States

against bioterrorism.

Nevertheless, serious challenges remain:

• Iran has violated its Non-Proliferation Treaty safeguards obligations and refuses to

provide objective guarantees that its nuclear program is solely for peaceful purposes.

• The DPRK continues to destabilize its region and defy the international community,

now boasting a small nuclear arsenal and an illicit nuclear program in violation of its

international obligations.

• Terrorists, including those associated with the al-Qaida network, continue to pursue

WMD.

• Some of the world’s supply of weapons-grade fissile material – the necessary

ingredient for making nuclear weapons – is not properly protected.

• Advances in biotechnology provide greater opportunities for state and non-state

actors to obtain dangerous pathogens and equipment.

C. The Way Ahead

We are committed to keeping the world’s most dangerous weapons out of the hands of

the world’s most dangerous people.

1. Nuclear Proliferation

The proliferation of nuclear weapons poses the greatest threat to our national security.

Nuclear weapons are unique in their capacity to inflict instant loss of life on a massive

scale. For this reason, nuclear weapons hold special appeal to rogue states and terrorists.

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The best way to block aspiring nuclear states or nuclear terrorists is to deny them access

to the essential ingredient of fissile material. It is much harder to deny states or terrorists

other key components, for nuclear weapons represent a 60-year old technology and the

knowledge is widespread. Therefore, our strategy focuses on controlling fissile material

with two priority objectives: first, to keep states from acquiring the capability to produce

fissile material suitable for making nuclear weapons; and second, to deter, interdict, or

prevent any transfer of that material from states that have this capability to rogue states or

to terrorists.

The first objective requires closing a loophole in the Non-Proliferation Treaty that

permits regimes to produce fissile material that can be used to make nuclear weapons

under cover of a civilian nuclear power program. To close this loophole, we have

proposed that the world’s leading nuclear exporters create a safe, orderly system that

spreads nuclear energy without spreading nuclear weapons. Under this system, all states

would have reliable access at reasonable cost to fuel for civilian nuclear power reactors.

In return, those states would remain transparent and renounce the enrichment and

reprocessing capabilities that can produce fissile material for nuclear weapons. In this

way, enrichment and reprocessing will not be necessary for nations seeking to harness

nuclear energy for strictly peaceful purposes.

The Administration has worked with the international community in confronting nuclear

proliferation.

We may face no greater challenge from a single country than from Iran. For almost 20

years, the Iranian regime hid many of its key nuclear efforts from the international

community. Yet the regime continues to claim that it does not seek to develop nuclear

weapons. The Iranian regime’s true intentions are clearly revealed by the regime’s

refusal to negotiate in good faith; its refusal to come into compliance with its

international obligations by providing the IAEA access to nuclear sites and resolving

troubling questions; and the aggressive statements of its President calling for Israel to “be

wiped off the face of the earth.” The United States has joined with our EU partners and

Russia to pressure Iran to meet its international obligations and provide objective

guarantees that its nuclear program is only for peaceful purposes. This diplomatic effort

must succeed if confrontation is to be avoided.

As important as are these nuclear issues, the United States has broader concerns

regarding Iran. The Iranian regime sponsors terrorism; threatens Israel; seeks to thwart

Middle East peace; disrupts democracy in Iraq; and denies the aspirations of its people

for freedom. The nuclear issue and our other concerns can ultimately be resolved only if

the Iranian regime makes the strategic decision to change these policies, open up its

political system, and afford freedom to its people. This is the ultimate goal of U.S.

policy. In the interim, we will continue to take all necessary measures to protect our

national and economic security against the adverse effects of their bad conduct. The

problems lie with the illicit behavior and dangerous ambition of the Iranian regime, not

the legitimate aspirations and interests of the Iranian people. Our strategy is to block the

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threats posed by the regime while expanding our engagement and outreach to the people

the regime is oppressing.

The North Korean regime also poses a serious nuclear proliferation challenge. It presents

a long and bleak record of duplicity and bad-faith negotiations. In the past, the regime

has attempted to split the United States from its allies. This time, the United States has

successfully forged a consensus among key regional partners – China, Japan, Russia, and

the Republic of Korea (ROK) – that the DPRK must give up all of its existing nuclear

programs. Regional cooperation offers the best hope for a peaceful, diplomatic resolution

of this problem. In a joint statement signed on September 19, 2005, in the Six-Party

Talks among these participants, the DPRK agreed to abandon its nuclear weapons and all

existing nuclear programs. The joint statement also declared that the relevant parties

would negotiate a permanent peace for the Korean peninsula and explore ways to

promote security cooperation in Asia. Along with our partners in the Six-Party Talks, the

United States will continue to press the DPRK to implement these commitments.

The United States has broader concerns regarding the DPRK as well. The DPRK

counterfeits our currency; traffics in narcotics and engages in other illicit activities;

threatens the ROK with its army and its neighbors with its missiles; and brutalizes and

starves its people. The DPRK regime needs to change these policies, open up its political

system, and afford freedom to its people. In the interim, we will continue to take a